• Tajik Opticon #9


    Prokudin-Gorsky Small
    1907 Solar Eclipse Expedition by Sergei Prokhudi-Gorskii, Russian Photographer in Central Asia.

    This is my little blog on Tajikistan that comes out on Saturdays.  If you are unable to click on all the links, come to my blog Different Stans as these can be blocked by some mail systems.
    Write me at [email protected] with comments or requests to be added to
    the mailing list.

    o Opposition Leader Missing Abroad…
    o …And Government Critic Missing at Home
    o Russians Leaving Tajikistan in Droves…
    o…and Tajik Migrants Returning from Russia in Coffins
    o Everybody Worries About the Tajik Porous Border…
    o…But at Least OSCE Tries to Do Something About It

    o Earthquake…and Harlem Shakes…

    COMMENT

    People explain the missing opposition leader abroad and the missing region critic at home by the same factor: the forthcoming presidential election coming up in November of this year.  Why it’s necessary to disappear people, when you’re going to sail through to an overwhelming victory with the same dubious high percentage for the win as all your Central Asian neighbours is beyond me, but perhaps that one tug on the thread unravels the whole thing…

    What I think people need to understand about disappearances is that you don’t have to be an exemplary citizen or innocent of crime to claim the right to security and life that your state should not take away from you. In Belarus, the Lukashenka regime has been charged with disappearing mafia kingpins along with opposition leaders, using the same methods, and of course in Russia, some 400 people in missing in the North Caucasus even by official admission. So it’s not good wherever it happens and the Tajik government needs to explain what’s going on.

    Paul Goble covers the exodus of Russians from Tajikistan, a process that has been going on steadily and in large numbers since the civil war. From far-away Brighton Beach, I can anecdotally report that for the first time talking to Russians who work as home attendants or have “khom-atten” that there are Tajiks now reported among the many former Soviets fleeing the region. When there is a Tajik restaurant in New York City, I guess we’ll know there is more serious migration. Arkady Dubnov says that Russian language isn’t declining because Tajik migrants need it to speak in the near abroad, starting with Russia, where they seek work. And some meet tragic ends, as we are reminded once again just how many return in coffins after being murdered in hate crimes or dying on unsafe construction sites.

    Let us think of the most OSCE extreme sports — the Afghan-Tajik border patrol training in the winter and…the Minsk Group meetings in the summer. OSCE tries the patience of the saints who persist with it. Everyone talks about the porous Tajik border, and a video of a precarious plane flight over it (see link below) lets you know that it’s porous, but, well, not so navigable. Even so, there is expected to be trouble after US troops withdraw, and OSCE is at least trying to train some local people to address the challenges. It seems like training for a few dozen people can’t make much of a difference, but as the saying goes, it matters to the starfish….

     

    GOVERNMENT CRITIC MISSING FOR TWO WEEKS

    From EurasiaNet.org:

    Early on March 15, a 58-year-old man put on his tracksuit and left
    home in Qurghonteppa, a 90-minute drive south of Dushanbe, Tajikistan’s
    capital. Morning exercise was a regular part of his routine, says
    Amnesty International. But on this morning the man, a prominent critic
    of President Imomali Rakhmon, did not return.

    Friends and political allies fear Salimboy Shamsiddinov was kidnapped
    for his political views, including his critique of Tajik-Uzbek
    relations. Shamsiddinov, head of the Society of Uzbeks of Khatlon
    Province, is no stranger to tough talk, often expressing himself freely
    on politics and interethnic relations in a country where questioning the
    official line is discouraged, especially in an election year.

    Translation of RFE/RL Tajik Service from e-tajikistan, who believes authorities are “blaming the victim”:

    «We looked into this theory as well. No kidnapping has taken place. Shamsiddinov has, himself, left the house and disappeared. We’ve received neither information of him having been beaten or forcefully taken out of his home nor any sign of kidnapping and this case must not be interpreted as “political”,» added E. Jalilov.

    Global Voices points out that while disappearance of Umarali Quvvatov in Dubai is discussed, nobody seems to care about disappearance of Shamsiddinov within the country:

    Over the last ten days, journalists and internet users in Tajikistan have actively discussed the ‘disappearance’ of a Tajik opposition leader
    from a Dubai-based detention center. Meanwhile, they have largely
    ignored another recent disappearance of an outspoken critic of the
    regime within the country itself. Salim Shamsiddinov, 58, has been missing since he left his house in the southern city of Qurghonteppa early in the morning on March 15.

    For GV, Quvvatov is tarnished by his association with the fuel business, but not for many Tajiks:

    Despite commanding some support, Quvvatov, as a once-successful
    businessmen, also has his doubters in the country. Before appearing as
    an ardent opponent of Rahmon, Umarali Quvvatov was a successful
    entrepreneur, the head and founder of two private companies that
    transported oil products to Afghanistan through Tajikistan. Quvvatov
    claims that his share in these businesses was taken by force by
    Shamsullo Sohibov, the son-in-law of the president.

    However, the majority of internet users in Tajikistan seem to support
    him. Quvvatov has also attracted some followers due to his religious
    views. In one of the interviews that he gave [ru]
    to RFE/RL’s Tajik service, Quvvatov described himself as a “Sufi”,
    practicing the tradition that focuses on the “esoteric” dimension of
    Islam. In Tajikistan, Sufis are popularly known as “pure Muslims”, which
    partly explains the support for Quvvatov among some religious people.

    TAJIKISTAN – WHERE THE RUSSIANS ARE A DISAPPEARING NATION

    Paul Goble from Windows on Eurasia:

    The ethnic
    Russian community in Tajikistan has declined in size from more than 400,000 in
    Gorbachev’s time to about 40,000 now, the smallest number of ethnic Russians in
    any CIS country except Armenia, a trend that has had a major impact on the
    internal life of that Central Asian country and on its relations with Moscow.

              But according to Arkady Dubnov, a
    Moscow commentator, the situation with regard to Russian language knowledge
    there is somewhat better, largely because of the continuing impact of
    Soviet-era patterns and the more than 700,000 Tajiks who have gone to work in
    the Russian Federation

    LESS POVERTY IN TAJIKISTAN?        h/t @e-tajikistan

    Well, according to the plan, anyway…From Asia-Plus:

    The official poverty statistics show a noticeable decline in the poverty rate in Tajikistan.

    According to Tajikistan’s Livelihood Improvement Strategy (LIS) for
    2013-2015, the Tajik poverty rate is expected to decrease to 31.5
    percent by 2015.  

    ***

    The Tajik poverty rate reportedly decreased from 50 percent in 2008 to
    46.7 percent in 2009, 45 percent in 2010, 41 percent in 2011 and 38.3
    percent in 2012.

     MIGRANT LABORERS DYING TO WORK IN RUSSIA

    From EurasiaNet.org:

     Each day an average of three Tajiks return from Russia in simple
    wooden coffins. They are the victims of racist attacks, police
    brutality, dangerous working conditions and unsafe housing.

    They go for the money, earning up to four times more in Russia than they would at home – if they were lucky to find a job in in dirt-poor Tajikistan. “They are saving to get married and build a house,” said Rustam Tursunov, deputy mayor of the western town of Tursunzoda.

    LIBEL SUIT EXPOSES DISGUST WITH TAJIKISTAN’S JUDICIARY

    In 2010, Rustam Khukumov was sentenced to almost 10 years in a
    Russian prison, charged, along with three other Tajik nationals, with
    possessing nine kilos of heroin.

    Khukumov is the son of the powerful head of Tajikistan’s railway
    boss, Amonullo Khukumov. The senior Khukumov is an ally and relative of
    the Tajik strongman, President Emomali Rakhmon (Khukumov is
    father-in-law to Rakhmon’s daughter). Could that have anything to do
    with why the Khukumov scion was released early, under murky
    circumstances, only a year into his jail term?

    For asking that question, the weekly “Imruz News” now owes Khukumov over $10,500 in “moral damages,” a Dushanbe court ruled on February 25. The paper vows to appeal, which means more embarrassing attention on Khukumov.

    TAJIKISTAN STOPPED BLOCKING FACEBOOK — AGAIN

    In case you care — and it may not last:

    After blocking the social network for about a week, Tajik authorities
    have gone back on the decision and opened up access to Facebook once
    again, AFP reports.

    Last week, Facebook, along with three other websites, were blocked in
    Tajikistan, after authorities ordered ISPs to block access to them.

    Facebook, along with several Russian news sites, namely
    zevzda.ru, centrasia.ru, tjk.news.com, and maxala.org, were blocked
    after several articles were published, criticizing the country’s
    president.

    AFGHANS FAILING SECURITY TEST IN BADAKSHAN

    As EurasiaNet.org’s David Trilling (@dtrilling) about this situation, “Look what’s just across the porous and poorly secured border from Tajikistan“:

    For years, Badakhshan Province enjoyed life away from the action, an
    island of stability as war engulfed the rest of Afghanistan. But as the
    broader conflict winds down, the northeastern province is offering a
    bleak view of the future.

    That’s because NATO last year handed over security duties in Badakhshan
    exclusively to the Afghan National Army (ANA) and National Police (ANP),
    but the transition has coincided with a spike in violence and increased
    militant activity.

    BFz739CCcAAEUnd.jpg large
    Amb. Susan Elliott samples Tajik national cuisine March 2013. Photo by @AmbElliott

    US AMBASSADOR CELEBRATES NOVRUZ IN TAJIKISTAN

    Amb. Susan Elliott, our envoy in Dushanbe, is not dancing like our US ambassador to Uzbekistan, George Krol, last year — she’s more serious.

    But does this picture, well…sort of say something about US-Tajik relations? It belongs to the Soviet genre of “bread and salt celebration” photos that are an iconic staple for the region’s media. But this more impromptu Twitter version can’t help evoking a little bit more beyond the rituals. There’s that studied indifference to her menial task — or glassy-eyed boredom? — of the young woman in front, and the faint half-smile of the one toward the back; and the very faint frown from the ambassador herself, which could be a wince from having to taste some kumys sort of thing — although that grass looks yummy…

    BGWzkkGCYAIL5uI.jpg large
    Photo by Amb. Susan Elliott

    WOMEN ENTREPRENEURS IN KHOROG

    Lest you think women are only pressed into their bread-salt routine, here’s a photo of women in Khorog described as “fantastic entrepreneurs” by our ambassador. Of course, it’s the usual “women’s work” of embroidery or sewing, from the looks of it, but that’s a start…

     

    TAJIKISTAN SHAKES, TOO

    There was a moderate earthquake today in Turkmenistan, but it’s not the only shake going on there.

    Joining in the worldwide craze, Tajiks have turned in at least four Harlem Shakes: here, by the Tajik Debaters’ Society, illustrating that without the props of the rich world, as in other Shakes around the world, the students have been ingenuous with tape and paper and bags; here, sort of a partial Harlem Shake in Tajik national dress; here, which may be the only Harlem Shake performed in chapans by menu.tj; and here, by crazy dudes, which may get the vote for “most minimalist Harlem shake, anywhere”.

    Kate Dixon OSCE
    A village on the Afghan-Tajik border on the banks of the Amu Darya River, 16 October 2008. Photo by Kate Dixon for OSCE.

    OSCE SUPPORTS AFGHAN, TAJIK EXPERTS ON WATER, ENVIRONMENT

    The OSCE Office in Tajikistan hosted an extracurricular day for 30
    Afghan and Tajik students from the faculties of Engineering and Natural
    Sciences at universities in Dushanbe. The event is part of an initiative to strengthen co-operation on
    hydrology and environment between Afghanistan and Tajikistan in the
    Upper Amu-Darya River basin.

    Tajik Border Guard
    A Tajik border guard on patrol. Photo by Carolyn Drake for OSCE.

    OSCE TRAINS TAJIK BORDER GUARDS

    Twenty-four officers from of the Tajik Border Troops, Customs Service
    and the Interior Ministry worked on evaluating context and potential
    risks, identification, analysis and classification of risks, and risk
    assessment at airport and land borders. The course was delivered by
    serving police and border police officers from Turkey and the former
    Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

    Mansur OSCE
    Afghan students and their instructors take part in a high-altitude
    training exercise in preparation for two weeks of winter training on
    survival, mountaineering, search and rescue, avalanche awareness, and
    snow analysis in Khoja Obigarm, 50 kilometers north of Dushanbe, 12
    February 2013. Photo by Mansur Ziyoev

    AFGHAN BORDER POLICE COMPLETE OSCE-SUPPORTED WINTER PATROL COURSE

    This has got to be the most extreme OSCE activity, bar none. Those spotted coats make them look like snow leopards!

    Afghan border police officers completed a two-week practical course
    on winter patrolling at the Tajik Border Troops Training Centre in
    Gissar today. The course was organized by the OSCE Office in Tajikistan.

    Fifteen mid-rank and front-line officers from the Afghan Border
    Police attended the course, which was held as part of the OSCE Office’s
    Patrol Programming and Leadership project.

     

    Tajikistan Gorge

    Photo by Eric  Haglund

    GORGEOUS GORGES

    Go and see all of Eric Haglund’s photos — and perhaps someone can explain to me how they get the water that particular shade of blue in Tajikistan. Is it some chemical property of the rocks? Or?

    MORE LINKS

    In case you missed the interview with me in CA-News, here’s the English version — there’s a bit on Tajikistan.

    The definitive from Blake and my take — The US Will Not Use Tajikistan as Its Backyard on the Way out of Afghanistan

    Electricity Governance in Tajikistan things can only go up, right?

    On the one hand, the working group found that there are no formal
    barriers to obtaining key documents or to public access to policy and
    regulatory decision-making processes. At the same time, there is no
    legal framework to facilitate public scrutiny and involvement, nor
    practical mechanisms to place information in the public domain. In
    practice, the lack of formal procedures makes meaningful public debate
    or oversight of the sector all but impossible.

    MORE PHOTO LINKS

    o Pamir bicycle tour, part of a whole wonderful series on Central Asia

    o Uncornered Market, another great Central Asia collection

    o This has got to be the most incredible flight over the mountains of Tajikistan in what the authors describe as a “lunchbox with wings” — must see

    o Pamiri home — which seems very simple until you read about all the symbolic elements of faith in it

    o A Russian tortoise in Tajikistan.

     

  • The Fundamental Fallacies of Katy Pearce’s Machinopology in Azerbaijan

    January 14 2012 youth protest in Baku by Obyektiv TV.

    The other day a colleague sent me a link to a social graph that he said was "fascinating" — it was about the protests in Azerbaijan.

    It turned out to be made by anthropologist Katy Pearce but I couldn't see her name in my view of the screen — it was only visible later when I returned for a closer look and scrolled down — but of course, visible to anyone who clicked on the link and took an interest.

    Here's what it said (go to the link and keep reading for the full jargon-laden experience):

    The graph represents a network of up to 1500 Twitter users whose recent
    tweets contained "#protestbaku". The network was obtained on Monday, 14
    January 2013 at 23:01 UTC. There is an edge for each follows
    relationship. There is an edge for each "replies-to" relationship in a
    tweet. There is an edge for each "mentions" relationship in a tweet.
    There is a self-loop edge for each tweet that is not a "replies-to" or
    "mentions". The tweets were made over the 2-day, 6-hour, 37-minute
    period from Saturday, 12 January 2013 at 15:36 UTC to Monday, 14 January
    2013 at 22:13 UTC.

    What, you didn't get the wind-chill factor or the latitude and longitude on Google maps? This report is the sort of high-falutin essential nonsense that passes for scholarship in our day, and I'm going to be ruthless with it. I've decided to call this field of study "machinopology" instead of "anthropology" because I think that not only have these social scientists ceased to study real human beings; when they study their spoor left on the Internet — not a good substitute — they become fierce apologists for this decidedly inaccurate and misleading means of studying people and you can't speak sense to them.

    THE "SCIENCE" OF HASHTAG DIKTAT

    In gathering this data, Pearce was heedless about what has been called the Niels Bohr effect — that the scientist himself intrudes on his data by the very act of study and is studying his study, so to speak. Pearce first goosed her contacts on Twitter to come up with a hashtag, then pushed them toward used of a standardized one, #protestbaku — policing with fierce hostility anyone who didn't keep to the meaning of the hashtag as she saw it (typical of the Twitter hashtag Nazis).  There may have been very rich and rewarding conversations on Twitter on January 14; but if they didn't have Katy Pearce's hashtag, they are like a tree falling in the proverbial forrest…

    In fact, Pearce was such a "scientist," that she even got into an epic Twit fight and started to mouth off to some of the people who appeared to be "pro-government" tweeters — who maybe just didn't seem to agree with Katy and her source-friends. She even yells at this woman to "stay off their hashtag" –– not just because she cared about the integrity of meaning, but because it would have screwed up her results if the meaning wasn't uniform. (If you don't understand the meaning of hashtags, email me, I've been on Twitter since 2007).

    Katy Twit Fight

    Imagine, pretending you are an impartial anthropologist, and telling anybody in the field — even a regime tool (which we can't be sure this person really is, simply because they disagree with the way the soldier's death should have been handled) — to "go home, turn off your phone/computer, watch a movie, and leave these people alone". Does she think she's talking to her toddler here?! This is just outrageous stuff — but it passes as "cool" because it's machinopology and not anthropology — and anything goes.

    BACK STORY

    Anyway, I use Twitter as a kind of "Delicious" if "Delicio.us" had ever been functional and useful. That is, I park links for myself there to catch up on later and figure I can also share them at the same time if anyone else has anything to say about them. I often go back to my own stream to find things — for me, re-tweet often does mean endorsement and I don't shirk from that association, but it also can merely mean "parked here to read later, looks interesting" or "read this, want to file it". I wrote on my tweet about the social graph an "h/t" to this colleague because that's what you do when someone else tells you something you didn't know — you acknowledge their reference. No big deal — but then I saw a rare response from Katy Pearce, the anthropologist who feels she owns this field of Internet studies in the Caucasus.

    Her remark was puzzling to me because she said "thank you" — although I'm an enemy to her (she denounced me a year ago to my then-boss!) and then said she helped with a blog post. Not realizing what she was going on about, I called he out for her unsavoury role in joining up with Sarah Kendzior after I challenged the Registan diktat last year, and going to denounce me as somehow "unfit" to my editor at EurasiaNet because I…dared to stand up to Joshua Foust in a completely legitimate and much-needed manner, and because I refused to be bullied by these gals online.

    I was particularly appalled at Pearce at the time — I published  a perfectly ordinary and fine little blurb about the surge of Facebook membership in Uzbekistan, citing Socialbakers; I cautioned that it had to be seen in relative terms due to the harassment there, but she blasted me as using shoddy research. It was insane — over a blog blurb, and on Twitter.  She herself later was found using Socialbakers, which is perfectly fine. She was doing this just to troll, as they say — it was sinister.

    So ever since stumbling on these academics and defense contractors on Registan, I've challenged them as a group that is a funny amalgam of seeming criticism of the US yet reverence for US policies such as on drones, and seeming criticism of the regimes of Central Asia — but always within limits and always with disparaging the opposition, particularly in exile, and the human rights movements along the way.

    It turned out Pearce was kvetching at me because she believed that "h/t"
    should go not to the person who tipped me off to the link, but to her,
    as designer of this graph. I simply didn't know it was made by her at
    first, and no "impropriety" was intended; that she had to cross the
    Internet to police this and make a snide comment lets you know how
    HUGELY controlling she is — so much so that those who once criticized
    her or Kendzior publicly are now beaten into silence — it's a scary
    thing to watch. Academe is a frightful place. In a world where
    attribution is one click away when you link, it's hard to posit ill will
    or damage.

    REALISM UBER ALLES

    Thus, while I'm not in academia myself and not an Internet or official regional expert, I've had a long period of closely reading what Katy Pearce and Sarah Kendzior produce for the academic world, and have grown to be a very stringent critic as you can see in past entries of this blog under the topic "Registan": their thesis is designed to minimize and disparage dissenters; celebrate those who are more cerebral and incremental and less active; caution against publishing too much negative human rights material on the Internet so it doesn't scare off lolcat posters; and then essentially do the government's work for it — making sure that the Internet is something that grows on the conditions and timetables and in the manner that these New Realist academics wish instead of people who use it for protest and not only communications. If you think this is a caricature of their studies, go and read them and judge for yourself. I think you will come away very disturbed if you care about democracy and human rights. They are part of the New Realists school of Joshua Foust, Nathan Hamm and others at Registan and they work overtime to belittle, discourage, disparage, intimidate and bully people in the human rights movement who disagree with their RealPolitik regarding the post-Soviet countries.

    Time and again, in article or op-ed or longer monograph or journal piece, I've seen their theses "prove" the same points: a) the governments of Central Asia are all-powerful and will never change; b) no Arab Spring will ever occur here; c) there is no civil society here and only 2 1/2 old Soviet-style dissidents who have no following; d) people inform on each other and hate each other and are spiteful so it is not a milieu in which a social movement can get started; e) repression is very severe and even deadly.

    It's not as if any of these things are untrue in a sense, but it's their culmination and their vectors that lead you to wonder what on earth they are up to here: they seem to see it as their job to discourage any challenge to these governments by using the homeopathic method — only they get to challenge them — a little, in the way they wish, but not too much.

    That's actually why it's so strange Registan is having a conference this week to discuss the passing of Karimov — it must be that they either feel this is a "safe" topic now or the defense contracting circles in which they travel find it useful to do a little scarifying of Karimov now. I've called Registan the "small game" before and that about sizes it up — it's about some sort of power trip, but it's just not clear whose, entirely.

    SHINY NEW COOL INTERNET THINGWHICH WE HAD 12 YEARS AGO

    The social graph that at first so fascinated me and others is a case in point for the kind of study of the post-Soviet countries that I simply find suspect — suspect because it leads to conclusions and influences policy in such a way as to get those in power in our government or wealthy foundations or universities to stop taking the opposition seriously and to discount human rights work as marginal. Any objection to their New Realism is met with withering scorn that you are a Neo-Con and hopelessly mired with Commentary and Jennifer Rubin. There's no in-between for these people. ANY criticism gets the "Neo-Con" slur.

    So…At first glance the social graph seems really cool! Who wouldn't like a cool Internet thing like this! As it happens, I first saw a social graph like this in The Sims Online in the year 2000, made by Will Wright. He had developed a program to capture in that simulated virtual world a way of showing relationships to people — every time you gave a balloon to someone as an avatar, or even just interacted with them, that person would become your "friend"; if you slapped them, they would become your "enemy", and these "balloons" would then show as green or red in an elaborate graph accessible above every avatar's head on his profile. People spent hours pouring over these balloon graphs — they were fascinating. You could acquire a "balloon" merely by going to a simulator or a place on the server and being in proximity to other people — many a sim-hubbie would catch his sim-wifey cheating by reading her balloons. You could also see who wasn't letting their relationships "stay green" — the more interactions you had with a person, the higher and brighter your relationship would show. The capturing of relationships by machine was something that fascinated Will Wright, maker of the Sims and now on the board of Linden Lab, maker of Second Life.

    People don't take these virtual worlds seriously, thinking them as pathetic sexting chat rooms and furry enclaves,  but I have followed them for their interesting sociology for more than a decade because I see them as petri dishes, simulators and testing grounds for the means and methods of social media and social networks on the wider Internet. Time and again, I have seen things prototyped, or played out in Second Life, that then appear in the real world, almost as if it had uncanny predictive powers — events like WikiLeaks or the Instagram scandal — all these have played out in these worlds first.

    Another thing that Will Wright did was show — because he could, possessing control of a virtual world in which every person's speech and actions could be captured by the machine — what people were doing or saying. So he could take snapshots or make dynamic pictures — X percent were kissing or X percent were going to the toilet as you can do in the Sims — and X percent were saying the words "love".

    So it's not surprising to me that now people use Twitter — and all the gestures, as they are called ("likes", links, comments, replies, retweets, etc. etc. ) — to track social relationship.

    MACHINES ARE NOT PEOPLE

    The problems is that machines are far from perfect in replicating organic human relationships — replicating their ways and means online in social networks can be disastrous — and the scientists studying this and pretending that it enhances anthropology don't seem to take into account the fundamental fallacies of their science, making it a pseudo-science.

    I realize just how cool it is to have charts and graphs and fancy jargonistic words like edges and vertices. We have seen this in Second Life for years and it's old news for some of us. But it has to be thoroughly questioned, as it is laying now — in its still-primitive state — the grounds for the totalitarian Wired State, and it has to be challenged before our freedoms are eradicated. It's not just study; it's study with an aim to control society by letting certain elites drill and analyze the data and then use it to shape online experience — where we all increasingly live. The most obvious exploitation of this data was in the recent elections, where sociologists were put to work for the Obama Truth Team to manipulate stories to attract voters.

    THREE FALLACIES OF MACHINOPOLOGY

    But there are deep fallacies in these machine-readings of people, and they need to be called out

    Here are three main fallacies right off the bat in this artifact:

    1. We can't be sure that retweets equal political affiliation. We are told ad nauseum especially by the Registani types on Twitter that "retweet ≠ endorsement" — they love using the geeky ≠ which means "does not equal" but which isn't always instantly recognizeable as such to the average person.  Of course, people usually lie when they say this, and are merely covering their asses, especially at jobs. Of course their retweets are endorsement. Especially when they retweet each other and bolster their friends. They're just saying that but we know better.

    The assumption of Katy Pearce's graph here is indeed that retweet DOES mean endosement because she uses it to group people into political affiliation. She even says that pro-government forces are known for using certain words like "yolo". Of course, "yolo" is what the kids say on Tumblr or Facebook, "you only live once". It's very popular now among teens here in New York, especially Hispanic teens although it isn't a Hispanic word, it just sounds like one. There may be an insider's piece of esoteric knowledge here, where pro-government forces in Azerbaijan have already been established as always saying "yolo" like hipsters in New York, but I am out of the loop so I'll have to say that it needs questioning.

    We can't be sure that every person who retweets dissenters' links or retweets government links are on the same page as those forces. Maybe they are only bookmarking. Maybe they are making a cover story but disagree. The fact is, you can't have it both ways. You can't, as academics CYAing on Twitter yourself and telling us "≠" on all retweets, yet in your shiny social graph studying a country's demonstration, suddenly then group everybody's tweets in a certain political framework as if retweets *do* equal endorsement. Which is it? Or at least admit that it's sometimes one, and sometimes the other, and you don't have a basis for grouping people rigidly in this fashion.

    2. Many accounts, especially pro-government accounts, could be fake or bots. As one of the Azerbaijani tweeters noted, there are a lot of fake accounts made by the government. For all we know, there's a few guys sitting in the basement of the secret police and manufacturing all these personas. Or maybe some loyalists who spontaneously on their own do this, although the former scenario is more likely. There could be hundreds — thousands of them — and they could be set up by scripts or bots to behave even realistically.

    The Anonymous types always grouse about the US military and its "persona" projects, which is used only overseas to do things like debate on Al Qaeda's web pages; they are not supposed to engage in propaganda at home, which is known as "blowback". But Anonymous itself wrote the book on persona craft, and do it themselves all over, everywhere, in spades, and were the first to cause destruction everywhere with it, corrupting the entire online environment. And the descendents of the Bolsheviks and the KGB, who were masters at making doubles and disguises, have no problem in moving this skill online. Again: they can sound very realistic but could be fake or even bots. The Flatter Bots in Second Life that go around appearing as suave men and women and flatter people's outfits and then eventually get them to give them money have had amazing success earning the bot wrangler tens of thousands of real dollars. Artificial intelligence and online persona work is really getting good. Turing would be proud.

    3. Relationship lines may not mean anything. One of the first things we discovered with Will Wright's experiments 10-12 years ago, and then Philip Rosedale's experiments in Second Life in the last 5-7 years, is that when machines grab and aggregate and render relationship lines from chat and various other social gestures, they can be woefully inaccurate or outright wrong. I already mentioned the "balloons" in the Sims that caused couples to break up — someone could teleport to a sim by accident, or due to a spam invitation; they would acquire a seeming "relationship" by appearing in proximity to someone, but it would mean nothing. In Second Life, when someone invented two-way wrist watches (hmmm) to show who was near you and beam that information up to a webpage for display, people howled and screamed because they felt it was an invasion of privacy.

    It was. Unscrupulous and unethical hackers said it was open data so they could get to scrape it and use it. Technically it was, although no one who had chosen to make a public profile with their static data linked to their name and their list of favourite places or comments had ALSO granted permission for real-time display of their proximity data.

    GIRLS NEAR ME DO NOT WANT TO BE NEAR YOU

    It's like what happened then five years later — just last year — with Girls Near Me. That app was widely popular with boys — they grabbed open FB data about girls with geolocation and used it to stalk them for dates. The girls did not like this because they hadn't put up FB pages to be accessed by creepy guys in bars with smart phones; maybe they didn't know how to fix their privacy sliders. This is a case where users screaming enough finally overwhelmed geekitude, and the ap was removed. People HATE HATE HATE having proximity data even if "open" displayed to the web; they HATE HATE HATE others — scientists and marketers — making judgements about it. Anthropologists are not supposed to do experiments or gather information on people without their consent. Did the people in the graph given their consent to be shown this way? Of course not.

    But it's not only about privacy; it's about ridicularity. As one woman put it very aptly about the newfangled search thing that Facebook put up the other day: "Hey, is this thing going to make it so that FB stops offering my husband's ex-wife as a friend?"

    Bingo. That's proximity data handled by machines in Machinopology which is a very poor substitute for anthropology — which itself isn't always in ethical and skilled hands online or in real life these days.

    I find that FB is uncanny in chosing just those people who are sworn enemies and serving them up to me over and over again as "friend" prospects; Linked-in is the absolute worst at this. It really is annoying and drives you away from the service. Of course "it can't know" and you wouldn't want "it" to know — and it is supposed to "get smarter" by having you X out the offer. But you don'to want it to get THAT smart…do you?

    MY FAVOURITE LINK TO HATE

    So if I answer somebody's tweet; if I retweet them, if I even favourite them, it means nothing. One of the most common gestures I see online is when Anonymous "favourites" something critical I've said about them — they don't mean that they like this; in fact, they hate it. They've favourited it merely to keep it parked and accessible so they can organize attacks on me among their contacts. I've seen this played out with others as well. Most things are not what they seem online; much of the time, they are just the opposite.

    How many of those using #protestbaku were secret policemen; how many were hipsters; how many wanted to prove to Western grant-giving foundations that they were active? We may never know.

    HOW SAFE ARE SOCIAL GRAPHS?

    This brings me to the issue of privacy and the usage of these graphs. This first thing I noticed when I clicked on this thing — after the initial "ooh, ahh, shiny" that anyone will make at seeing all the protesters of Azerbaijan laid out in a nice "map" — was that the people in this nexus might not like being shown this way. Somebody casually firing off a tweet on their iPhone may not realize that a social scientist has now captured them and fixed them like a fly in amber as talking to a notorious opposition leader; now through a sinewy wire on a jpeg that is easily copied, they are forever not alone.

    And that must be why you can't see this picture clearly. No matter how much you click or resize, the names actually don't show up. Only Katy Pearce and her fellow "scientists' can see this information.

    This could be a function of my browser (Firefox); of the need to register for the site (I didn't) or some other artifact, but the fact is: I cannot click on it on various computers and on the iPhone and see anything, and others likely have that experience to.

    So this Internet shiny dines out on being part of the "open" Internet and "accessible" and "free" but…you actually can't see it. If you *could* see it, you might start reality-testing it. You'd click on some of the big nodes — people with larger and familiar pictures — and see if those people linking in were really friends or enemies; casual or dedicated — you might judge it.

    But you can't do that: it is not clickable to a bigger size to really study. And I'm actually fine with that, given that this is Azerbaijan we're talking about — that thing is an indictment! But there's something slimy about sending it all over the web to be gawked at, but not really seen. It's elitist and controlling. I think it's wrong. You could start from the premise that anyone with an open Twitter account in a sense "consents" to being seen and having their data known. But as we saw with Second Life and Girls Near Me, what people HATE HATE HATE is when their *proximity data* is shown. And that's what this does — more than standing next to someone at a demonstration, it shows who was connected enough to share an idea, a link, etc. And that is risky. I think this has to be debated; it isn't being debated. Machinopologists — the term I think is apt for people who have replaced the study of humans directly with the study of machine-gathered data about humans *and* are fierce apologists for this method — think everything is up for grabs; they are greedy.

    DISPARAGING THE DIASPORA

    I also want to say something about the groupings. Katy Pearce, like Ethan Zuckerman before her, and others of like mind, seems to disparage the diaspora. This group is least interesting to her and if it is larger she discounts it. These are people not in the country, and almost then "disqualified" from study. There's a loathing of the diaspora among the New Realists because they tend not to be very realistic about their homelands; they are "in the way" of making that OstPolitik that the NRs want to achieve.

    But I think this is hugely shortsighted. The diaspora is the living link to the closed society; it is the best thing we've got. Social media, the study of the social graph and the social gestures online are no substitute for these living human beings. Lots of people come and go from the diaspora, or receive family and friends as visitors who come and go. It's a rich milieu and it should never be discounted. If a few very vocal opposition leaders in exile seem to set the tone, well, look past that; there is a lot more there. Twitter, Facebook, Live Journal — these are the living ways these connections are kept up these days, and the diaspora handling of them is vital — it simply shouldn't be disparaged as somehow irrelevant or "not a Twitter revolution". The diaspora is what helps bring awareness to Western countries as well (and the rest of the world, for that matter, but the West cares the most).

    LIKE BIRDS NOT ON A WIRE

    So that leaves the core of the people actually in the country, using Twitter for logistics, and tweeting with a geolocation of Baku itself (and as we know from the time when everyone switched their Twitter to say they were in Iran to try to confuse the secret police, this could be misleading as well).

    One of my most vivid memories in monitoring human rights in Eurasia in the last 35 years is a scene I saw in Baku in the early 2000s — perhaps 10 years ago or so. There was a large street demonstration organized by opposition parties and groups. It was all men — women were seldom seen on the street. They all had cell phones and used them to coordinate their movements and get information about police movements and arrests and the route of their march.

    Suddenly, the government shut off all the cell phones — they can do that in a country where the mobile companies are under their control. Everyone on the square suddenly got disconnected. None of them could talk to each other and they were all confused and worried now, and couldn't figure out what was going on. That's how the government wanted them. It was like a flock of birds, suddenly flying into some poisonous air or something. They all stopped or jerked around and began meandering off in odd directions.

    I've seen the authorities do the same thing in Minsk.

    So the social graph is fragile; it is risky to establish it, but it isn't *so* fragile and *so* risky that people don't make it and use it.

    And of course opinions change, groups form and reform, affiliations break and rejoin — and these kinds of graphs are ephemera and really of limited value. There is no substitute for talking to people live in real life.

    WHY CAN'T YOU JUST INTERVIEW PEOPLE IN REAL LIFE?

    One of the critiques I had of another study done by Pearce and Kendzior is that they outsourced their field world. That is, while no doubt they've done interviews in the field, and talk to people online or when they visit the US, and while they do go to these countries occasionally, they tend to write articles and studies without going there for significant periods of time. And they literally outsourced their questions on one survey about the Internet and attitudes towards risk and critical information to some USAID type entity that was making a survey *anyway* already in country, and simply tucked in a few questions on the subject of Pearce and Kendzior's study into their own large and baggy effort.

    I found the redaction of the questions odd; I found the whole thing just unsound. Why can't you go there and do your own surveys, even with less samples? Maybe it's too hard to get a visa and function in the country? Well, then let's not pretend we're studying a closed society just because we have a newfangled "open Internet". The two don't necessarily mesh.

    There's more that could be said about the personalities involved in Azerbaijan; about the issue itself; about the things that motivate people to demonstrate. There was a strange locution that Katy Pearce was happy to pick up and rebroadcast: "this isn't a political demonstration". Nonsense. of course it's political. Every demonstration is political. And there's nothing wrong with being political and demonstrating. It's as if the hipsters of Baku want to be post-political as some strategy to save their skin. This won't work. And it denegrates others who are demonstrably political. Again, it's okay to be political; just because a demonstration wasn't on the platform of a political party or with political party leaders speaking or whatever the criteria was, doesn't mean it isn't highly political — which AGAIN is ok to be! You sense that for Pearce, it's wrong to be political because that means challenging the government in unrealistic ways….That won't do if you are a New Realist.

    I wish people would criticize these things more.

  • Tajik Opticon #5

    Prokudin-Gorsky Small

    1907 Solar Eclipse Expedition by Sergei Prokhudi-Gorskii, Russian Photographer in Central Asia.

    This is my little newsletter on Tajikistan that comes out once a
    week on Saturdays. If you want to see past issues, look to the column on
    the right down below for the key word "Tajikistan". If you want to get this in
    your email or you have comments or contributions, write
    [email protected]


    o One Step Forward (Facebook Re-Opened), Two Steps Backward (Twitter, Russian Sites Closed)

    o Could You Ever Turn an Anodyne Development Job in Dushanbe into Anything Real?

    o Will Tajikistan Really Become Like Yemen, Guys?

     COMMENTS:

    Oh, geez, didn't we just all laugh at the Tajik minister of communications and get Facebook opened up again with the help of the US ambassador?! And now Twitter is down and all the Russian social network sites!

    Yes, this is terrible. Most likely it will end in two days. Or maybe 7 days. It's not like Russian troops in Tajikistan are going to get those sites right back up, any more than whatever US military are in Tajikistan got Facebook working again but…Russian troops need those sites, too, so it's not over yet. It's more about which providers are hooked up to which members of the Family in charge of the whole country, and what's in it for them. Watch this space.

    Also I think the head of the Internet Service Providers Association, which is independent but subject to governmental directives, got it about right — it's not about perfidious US envoys who care only about their own California corporations or Russian indifference to their own business people, as @etajikistan was implying last week; it's more about the Tajik elections in a year. Every single resource available, administrative or otherwise, will be deployed in keeping the same set in power.

    We all worry about how Tajikistan will develop, especially when foreign NGOs are increasingly blocked, social media is blocked, and domestic NGOs defunded or de-legitimized. How will these groups survive?

    TAJIKISTAN SHUTS DOWN TWITTER AND OTHER SOCIAL NETWORKS

    Tajikistan has ordered local Internet providers to block Twitter, one of more than 100 sites including popular Russian-language social networks starting next week, an industry representative told AFP Saturday.

    "The (government) communications service has sent Internet companies a huge list of 131 sites that must be blocked in the country from Monday," said Asomiddin Atoyev, the head of the Tajik association of Internet providers.

    So while access to Facebook was opened up last week, now Russian sites are being blocked:  Vkontakte [In Touch], Odnoklassniki [Classmates], the most popular social networking sites in Russia with many users in the ex-Soviet Union, and Mail.ru, an email service.

    The head of the Internet Service Providers provides an explanation:

    "The next presidential elections will be held in Tajikistan in November 2013, and this will bring even more harsh control of Internet resources and independent media," predicted the head of the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan, Nuriddin Karshiboyev.

    MISSING YOUR SOCIAL MEDIA FIX? TAJKINO HAS DVDS FOR YOU

    Just in time for the holidays, Tajikkino has released a DVD box set collection of documentaries on Emomali Rahmon's activities as Tajikistan's president during the last 20 years.

    Each year of Rahmon's presidency is detailed on a separate disk, twenty in all, with the remaining seven disks of the 27-disk collection dedicated to Rahmon's role in developing various sectors of the country.

    Among those seven are films such as "Emomali Rahmon and Food Security" and "Emomali Rahmon and Energy Independence."

    US CALLS FOR RE-INSTATEMENT OF TAJIK HUMAN RIGHTS GROUP

    The US seldom says anything about Tajikistan from Washington, but the US mission to the OSCE is empowered to make critical statements — and thank God it does. Here's a statement as delivered by Ambassador Ian Kelly, to the Permanent Council, Vienna, December 13, 2012

    The United States notes with concern that a court in Tajikistan ordered the NGO Amparo to close on October 24, 2012, citing alleged minor administrative irregularities in the organization’s operations. We support Amparo's recently expressed intention to appeal the court's ruling, as the organization seeks to continue its important work. Amparo has worked tirelessly since 2005 to empower the youth of Tajikistan through human rights education and to monitor the human rights situation of some of Tajikistan’s most vulnerable groups, including orphans and the disabled. Amparo is an integral part of the burgeoning civil society tapestry in Tajikistan. Its efforts are precisely the sort of activities that every country should encourage in its civil society in order to strengthen the rule of law, democratization, and respect for human rights.

    The United States calls on the government of Tajikistan to reinstate Amparo’s license to operate consistently with OSCE commitments to respect and protect freedom of association.  We further call on Tajikistan to refrain from similar actions against other NGOs working to improve life for Tajikistan’s people.

    Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    WANTED: A LAWYER WHO CAN TAKE THIS SILLY DEVELOPMENT JOB AND MAKE IT INTO SOMETHING USEFUL TO PEOPLE

    Here's a typical USAID development sort of "rule of law" job description — (it's called ROL in the business, although ROFL might be more appropriate in some settings, given their judicial systems). The title is "Program Director" and the program is "Equal Before the Law".

    This time it's at the Eurasia Foundation, but it could be any of these still-existing US-funded sort of jobs.

    And if it's anything like the hundreds of other jobs in this business, the person who is drafted to fill it will be hired because he has already proven himself as a US bureaucrat, and is able to fill out elaborate report forms and draft budgets, and not because he can actually push the envelop in Dushanbe.

    When I read the wimpy job description, I wish they could add things like this:

    o Establish contact with practicing lawyers who defend human rights victims and do what you can to assist their work even quietly and help them if they get in trouble; meet those lawyers who protested the whopping punitive fines on their media clients, or those still brave enough to try to help those accused of extremism;

    o Keep trying to get the Tajik authorities to lift their ban on the registration of the human rights group Amparo and let lawyers into the courtrooms where "extremists" are being tried;

    o Make sure you invite a wide variety of people to your programs, not just the approved and combed government lawyers or officials but people both with and without law licenses;

    o Help people with everything from literature and ideas to contacts and pointers to sources of funding to go behind your own silly little program;

    o Be careful what you tell diplomats, you could be WikiLeaked. Practice good online security and be well-behaved offline — nobody likes drunken, ugly Americans who also hit on the locals;

    o Keep your go-bag packed by the door, because you may be expelled suddenly because you are doing a good job — and have a zip drive of your stuff ready to roll and easy contact of all major news and diplomats who can easily protest your expulsion;

    You get the idea. I don't think enough people do it this way. Yeah, I get it that I'm writing a description for a Human Rights Watch job that in fact should also have in it "Be willing to accept and roll with death threats emanating from close watch of your personal life by creepy people."

    But still. More can be injected into these anodyne roles and never is.

    IS IT MALEVICH OR IS IT TAJIKISTAN?

    Kulobatnight

    Is this Kazimir Malevich's famous Black Square painting? Or is it Kulyab at night? You have your answer from the Tajik blogger Hasavor, who blogs in Russian here (and hasn't gotten the memo yet from foreign planners that would instruct him to stop using Russian so we can all share in his insights). Translation:

    "How is it possible that in a country that sells electricity to Afghanistan and builds the highest flagpoles in the world, gigantic (although empty) libraries, enormous mosques and super-expensive residential complexes for rich people doesn't have enough electricity for ordinary people"?

    "We continue to live in the stone age. The people are chopping tees for firewood, heating stoves with dung fuel and buying up coal for the winter."

    h/t Global Voices.

    RIPPLE EFFECT OF BAN ON FOREIGN-FUNDED ACTIVITIES

    Like Russia, which has gotten a lot more attention doing this, Tajikistan has cracked down on foreign-funded activities; in October, there was an official ban on foreign-funded seminars and conferences. Hey, do these CIS leaders attention their on Russian-funded conferences where they plot and harmonize these things?!

    I'm going to try to be very upset that somebody can't have an all-expense-paid seminar in Dushanbe, truly I am, but the real problem with this is that the per-diems that can keep Tajiks alive also dry up with something like this and the contacts that can be helpful even in silly development jobs.

    And of course, scrutiny of foreign funding then is the next thing to come.

    Western diplomats are shocked at the ban, since international NGOs play an enormous role in the country’s economy, public health, and infrastructure.  Students are traditionally the main target of these NGOs in developing countries such as Tajikistan, which is still recovering from years of stagnant Soviet rule.

    This role isn't without its controversies as we've reported regarding the Agha Khan Foundation.

    h/t @ericamarat

    HOW CAN YOU SUPPORT NGOS IN TAJIKISTAN?

    Pamir
    Wanted: More pretty mountains, less ugly realities. Photo by dwrawlinson, 2006.

    The question then becomes how you can support NGO activity in Tajikistan if the government bans it.

    And you have to ask the question that if the government is banning it for some, why isn't it for others? And what is to be done about sorting this out?

    This organization — about which I know nothing directly — appears to be trying to solve the problem of how you survive when the UN doesn't renew your original start-up grant and when perhaps you don't have other options with other big funders.

    You sell calendars of the beautiful Pamir mountains.

    So if you're indignant about the failure to sustain NGOs, why, you can go buy a £9.95 calendar from this outfit that supports eco-tourism in the Pamirs, META, founded by UNESCO and now 'restructured' and struggling to exist on its own.

    Someone will explain to me why the Agha Khan folks left these people out, or maybe it's a different opera — I have a lot to learn. But the idea is one that might work for others.

    I'm just trying to figure out who can pose for "March" for the "torture" concept that some other groups need to illustrate their causes on their calendars.  Anybody to pose for "June" for "domestic violence"? Ok, back to the pretty mountains…

    HOW MANY TAJIKS CAN FLUSH THEIR TOILETS?

    Tajik Toilet
    Outhouse in Bulunkul, Tajikistan.  Photo by kvitlauk, 2009.

    "Only 5% of population have access to safe drinking water and drainage in Tajikistan," says the scare headline based on a UN report at CA-News.

    But that's incorrect and misleading, so you have to go see what the original report said by looking at the UN News Centre.

    "Access to clean water one of most pressing environmental challenges," is the way the UN directly states it.

    This is how they wrote the story more clearly:

    The EPR finds that only one third of Tajikistan’s 7.2 million inhabitants have access to chlorinated piped water. Some 30 per cent rely on spring water and the remainder of the population depend on river and ditch water sources. Only five per cent of the population are connected to public sewerage.

    They also mention the tailings from mines as does CA. We're going to keep hearing about those 55 million tons of radioactive waste in every conceivable way under every conceivable rubric — because it makes a good scare headline — until the cows come home — or they don't, and die glowing. It's not as if nothing is being done about this problem, as we reported, but it's a perfect storm of problems in Tajikistan, and this is just one more thing.

    TAJIKS LOVE THEIR FELLOW PERSIANS AND HATE THE JEWS:  IRANIAN TV

    You know how I said we don't have very many polls really to explain the attitudes of Tajiks to Islam, extremism, the treatment of suspected Islamic extremists and terrorists in their country, and so on. Well, we don't.

    But, to fill the gap, there is always Iranian TV!

    Say, if you want the polls to come out right, pay for them yourself and put them on state-controlled TV in an authoritarian state, I always say.

    But there's more — and totally predictable, about Israel:

    The Zionist entity was least favorably viewed with 57.5 percent of
    respondents choosing negative and very negative to describe their
    feeling about the regime. England and France followed the Zionist entity
    with 30.6 and 28.8 percent respectively.

    Evil Satan America is not even mentioned, and perhaps not mentionable.

    Well, this is what you get from a poll about the two Persian speaking members who are members of the Economic Cooperation Organization, as Iranian TV helpfully explains.

    HOW IS TAJIKISTAN NOT LET YEMEN? LET ME COUNT THE WAYS

    Nate Schenkkan ‏@nateschenkkan asks on Twitter:

    Serious question: if we project out 5-10 years, how much does Tajikistan look like Yemen in this description? http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2012/12/19/zero_farce_thirty?page=0,2

    In the piece he links to, about the controversial film about hunting bin Ladn called Zero Dark Thirty, Ty McCormick interviews Ali Soufan, who says this:

    We also need to study the incubating factors that promote terrorism. What are the factors in South Yemen that are making people and tribes join al Qaeda? For example, one sheikh, when asked why he was sheltering al Qaeda fighters, responded that the government had promised to send him six teachers. Fahd al-Quso brought 16 teachers. In some areas al Qaeda has also supplied electricity and water. These things don't cost much, and we used to give billions of dollars to the Yemeni government, but most of it went to line pockets. It did not reach ordinary people. So we have to deal with the roots of the problem: What are the incubating factors for terrorism? And there's no cookie-cutter approach to this. What works in South Yemen probably won't work in the north of the country, and what works in Saudi Arabia probably won't work in Libya, because there's a range of incubating factors. Sometimes it's sectarian, sometimes it's tribal, sometimes it's economic, but the roots are never religious or ideological.

    We could add that what works in Yemen won't work in Tajikistan, either. But for Ali to tell us that the roots are "never" religious or ideological is just plain daft. Of course they are religious — extremist forms of Islam — and of course they are ideological — and some Islamism got its start with copying Marxism-Leninism, and it's okay to say that. Every single Central Asian regime sees it that way, and our job isn't to pretend they aren't seeing some real problems with extremism (how did the Arab Spring turn out) but to persuade them to address it in less abusive ways.

    Ideas matter, people think about them and study them and talk about them and then sometimes they do them, and we should follow that and not blank it out of the equation. If it were possible to fix countries by just 10 more teachers for every Al Qaeda gifting of teachers (and what kind of teachers those might be!), USAID would have triumphed in every corner of the world by now; OSCE too.

    Come on, Yemen and Tajikistan are not really so alike, although to the "progressives" in Washington with their my-focals, any place where there is American activity can all seem alike and all evil.

    Here's how these two are different:

    o Yemen 24.8 million Tajikistan 7 million

    o Yemen has considerable Saudi Aid backing it up; Tajikistan has some but nearly nothing like Yemen

    o Yemen gets some US aid, but a lot more from Russian and China — say, ditto Tajikistan but the dynamics are different as the number of US military in Tajikistan is dwarfed by the number of Russian military.

    Asia Times explains it all for you:

    Russia has stolen a march over the United States in the multimillion-dollar arms market in cash-strapped Yemen, whose weapons purchases are being funded mostly by neighboring Saudi Arabia.

    The Yemeni armed forces, currently undergoing an ambitious modernization program worth an estimated $4 billion US, are equipped with weapons largely from Russia, China, Ukraine, eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics.

    With the attempted bombing of a US airliner on Christmas Day by a Nigerian student, reportedly trained by al-Qaeda in Yemen, the administration of President Barack Obama has pledged to double. Yemen’s military and counter-terrorism aid, to nearly $150 million, to strengthen the besieged government of President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

    I've just spent the same half hour looking online that I've spent many times before trying to find the exact dollar number for how much US military aid goes to Tajikistan, and it's hard to do and there aren't clear answers — but I think it's a VERY safe belt that it is not $4 billion, you know? It's more like that $150 million to Yemen, that looks very insignifant to Russia and China — whose aid never stirs the blood of the NGOs and the pundits in Washington like US aid.

    Yes, Nate can say something like this not only because Russia and China simply don't bother him as much as America — he's American and in America and it's easier to reach: CENTCOM is directly involved with Tajikistan — they're easier to scold than Russia not only because they are closer to hand but because they tell you what they are doing.  We also know about the "secret drone war" in Yemen because we have free media to cover it; the Russian free media, such as it is, is preoccupied usually with other things.

    TAJIK  PARLIAMENT APPROVES LAW AGAINST DOMESTIC VIOLENCE

    Tajik Women
    Wedding musicians in Khorog, Badakhshan, 2011. Photo by Evgeni Zotov.

    RFE/RL reports a new law responding to the problem of domestic violence in Tajikistan:

    The law includes a statement that the elderly should play an active role in preventing domestic violence among young families.

    The advice of elders carries significant weight in traditional Tajik society.

    According to official statistics, more than 200 women took their own lives in 2010 and a majority of the cases were related to domestic violence.

    Nate Schenkkan frets that this "a bit mild."

    Yes. But it's better than — if you'll forgive the expression — a stick in the eye.

    One does have to worry about a law that tries to solve modern problems — all the men having to go work abroad and some of the women also having to go do that now, too, instead of herding goats — and then tries to perpetuate ancient solutions to them from institutions that have now broken up (like the family) or which, like the elders may help certain patriarchal traditions best left discontinued, like wife-beating.

    UNFPA also tries to get the Islamic elders in Sudanese society to do more to get the African men to stem the epidemic of rape of women. Sometimes it works. Generally, it doesn't.

    WHAT CAN YOU DO ABOUT BIG NEIGHBOURS AND BIG POWERS THAT DON'T HELP YOU VERY MUCH

    Alexander Cooley ‏@CooleyOnEurasia tweets about a new report from Finland:

    Interesting and topical new @FrideEUCAM working paper on the security-development nexus in #Tajikistan http://www.eucentralasia.eu/fileadmin/user_upload/PDF/Working_Papers/EUCAM-WP12-Tajikistan-EN.pdf

    The report is by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Finland EUCAM Security and Development project implemented by FRIDE and the Karelian Institute of the University of Eastern Finland — and one bonus from clicking on that link is that you will sort out all these acronyms and what they mean.

     

    The EUCAM-SD is a key component of the EUCAM programme and focuses on the links between security challenges in the Central Asian region and the need for development in the broadest sense, including governance, poverty reduction, ethnic tension and social equality.

    I could only take the time to skim it now, but it looks useful. Let me say this: this report comes from a country that has also itself had to grapple with the problem of having a very big neighbour on its border who, well, Finlandized it. Tajikistan has that same big neighbour, too.

    Sugar Melon Pamir
    Shop in the Pamir mountains. Photo by Sugar Melon.

  • “People Order Each Other on Facebook”: Tajik Communications Official

    In this video, Beg Zuhorov, the Tajik communications official who has been doing the talking on why his government ordered the 2-day closure of Facebook, RFE/RL and other sites controversial for some Tajiks, was the subject of a trolling by some Russians.

    They called him up pretending to be "Sergei Brin, translator for Mark Zuckerberg, who is sitting here."

    Right!

    Among the intersting phrases that Beg hems and haws in somewhat struggling Russian (a second language for bureaucracy in Tajikistan which some say is dying out) is that "People order each other on Facebook," i.e. that make commercial orders.

    What he means by that isn't prostitution (it would be an awfully difficult and expensive way to organize prostitution in Tajikistan, given the low Internet penetration and the easier methods of normal waving to cars on the street or SMS texts on dumb phones.)

    What he means is jintsa, or ordering up favourable things to be said about yourself in mainstream media or social media as a kind of branding exercise or advertisement.

    This is done all the time in Russia, and probably entire government offices are also busy keeping fresh the fake profiles of officials like the Uzbek foreign minister, which is said to be a fan page by an over-eager admirer  — a factoid indignantly explained to us by "experts" like Sarah Kendzior" — but is probably actually him anyway (like where does he get those CIS meeting photos from angles that kremlin.ru *didn't* use?)

    Given how some Russians have taken to Facebook to strut their stuff, maybe we need a fund to pay them to take some of the eyesores down.

    In any event, I'm still puzzled WHAT bothers Beg on Facebook. There are only about 40,000 Tajiks on Facebook and probably most of them are no-shows.

    The top Facebook pages in Tajikistan according to Social Bakers, a company that analyzes FB data are:

    The US Embassy in Dushanbe (that's because a lot of young people want to get on educational exchange programs and get out of Tajikistan

    Tcell — a mobile provider

    Ya Zhurnalist — a blog in Russian — and yeah, um, Russian is dying out, sure.

    Asia-Plus, the leading independent news service — really among the best in the region

    Zavedeniya Tajikistan — a Russian-language site (um, dying out, yeah), with restaurants and such.

    Ya Zhurnalist has 4,000 plus fans. It's a site about new media, and seems fairly anodyne. Also has a lot of news of those Western-sponsored media training programs.

    I'm trying to really understand what was "extremist" on Facebook. Probably just a news story on Asia Plus the authorities didn't like. Or maybe some overactive post-Soviet royalty like the president's son didn't like the way he was portrayed on Facebook? Who are the 100-200 people calling Beg every day to complain about "extremism"?

     

     

  • Tajik Opticon #3

     

    Prokudin-Gorsky
    1907 Solar Eclipse Expedition by Sergei Prokhudi-Gorskii, Russian Photographer in Central Asia.

    This is my little weekly newsletter on Saturdays about Tajikistan. You can send news or comments or get it sent by email by writing to me at [email protected]

    COMMENT:

    So the in-your-face Tajik telecommunications official Beg Zuhorov did keep his word as I reported last week and opened back up the Internet sites Facebook and RFE/RL  — after implying they could be shut any time by having announced that "the public" had complained about "extremism" (never explained precisely). It turns out some of the providers didn't even bother to follow the blocking orders, and one of them was owned by President Emmomali  Rahmonov's own son. It always annoys me when a story likes this gets reported by EurasiaNet.org and others as a Bad Thing About Central Asia, and gets  picked up by numerous tech sites, blogs, etc. but then the un-doing of the Bad Thing doesn't get reported. At least RFE/RL had a report about its unblocking but it was never clear what it was really all about.

    While it may be only a coincidence, given how many of these types of trials are, the blockage came just as a group of people were about to go on trial for this nebulous "extremism" in Khojand (the verdict was announced after websites were running again). This seems a particularly strange and brutal case — among the 7 defendants are two middle-aged women and their minor teenage sons, 16 and 18 (the defendant was arrested before he turned 18). They all got very high sentences for "advocating the violent overthrow of the Constitutional order". Helpfully, they pleaded guilty using the exact same language of the charges in the criminal code. But we have no idea what they actually did. It's hard to picture these moms and their teenage sons throwing bombs.

    I have no use for Hizb-ut-Tahir; I have absolutely no hesitation condemning it as extremist and likely cunning and duplicitous about its ultimate aims. It claims that it is merely "peacefully" going about building a caliphate, i.e. theocratic rule, but it never explains what the plans are for all the infidels who don't want a caliphate. Too often, HuT members or ex-members, as somebody always patiently explains in exasperation at your suspicions, are tried and found guilty of real crimes. Even Western countries like Germany have banned the group.

    It's too bad that human rights groups and pundits who see these kinds of awful cases such as occurred in Khujand can't find a way to condemn the way the Tajik government misuses the law and persecutes people — AND condemn the groups that seem to have gotten their clutches into ordinary poor people in this backward country. I'm quite prepared to believe that all these people involved are innocent, and even the repeat offenders at least suffered lack of due process, yet I'd like to see the literature, the activities and the groups behind these cases as well — and I don't see anything wrong with morally condemning them and opposing them, even if the opposition should not take the form of prosecution. There is such a legion of determined do-gooders with the position that HuT is innocent because innocent people are wrongfully prosecuted over HuT that I am the only person in the metaverse with this position. I wish I had more company. If I had more company, and if especially Tajik journalists and human rights activists felt more free to condemn HuT and make the distinctions between the group's reprehensible goals and those victimized around it, I think we might see less victims.

    The World Bank is telling the Tajiks to cut their already very sparse electricity consumption in half. Tajikistan is already a place with blackouts and the lights going off all the time routinely, yet it's like that old Vietnam-war joke about the Soviets writing to the Vietnamese Communists: "Tighten your belts!" Reply: "What are belts? Send them!"

    This outrageous austerity program is unlikely to get consent from the Tajik government, but I really have to wonder why it is even being proposed. Yes, electricity is the cheapest in the world, but the country is also among the poorest in the world AND it is supplying some of its power to war-torn Afghanistan, which the US is usually grateful for. I guess I can think of a lot of things that might be done to save energy in Tajikistan before consumers are told to shut off their lights. It's not like they're leaving their computers and kindles and microwaves plugged in all night running. Example: are there a lot of Soviet-era huge Stalin-type giant buildings all over the place? Why are they being heated day and night?  And is the government looking the other way or even taking bribes while some companies steal electricity, as they do in Uzbekistan? If I were Tajikistan, I'd stall on that outrageous World Bank proposal and tell them to get busy doing a usage and hot spots report for a year and get back to them.

    Seems like the US military also wants to tell Tajikistan not to run their toasters too much: in a tweet, the Central Asia Newswire tells Dushanbe that austerity, not Roghun, is the answer. To be honest, I don't have an informed opinion as to whether it's true that Roghun is the ecology-busting monster that Uzbek propagandists claim — who have an easier time making their case in the world media and world's institutions than Tajikistan. The World Bank has gotten stung around the world over the decades backing big, stupid, expensive, destructive dam projects, and now all that Western NGO yammering against them has caught up with them — and they have to take it out on Tajikistan, I guess. There doesn't seem to be an international multilateral organization that seems to have the stamina to take this issue on — neither the UN, despite the marbled heated halls of the UN Regional Centre for Preventive Diplomacy in Ashgabat, nor the World Bank, or OSCE has been able to get the traction to really decide this for the region – read: stand up to Russia, waiting in the wings, and Uzbekistan, which is nasty.

    So, like a lot of things in Central Asian life, maybe it will be left to the Chinese…

    Surprise — Tajikistan is corrupt, says Transparency International in its latest report. But interestingly, it's not *as* corrupt as its immediate neighbours. There's a 20 point or more gap in their scores, even though all of them are hugging the bottom of the barrel. Now why is that? Is there a fine line between corruption that is deterred through authoritarian persecution (i.e. as in Iran, not an ideal way to handle it obviously) and authoritarian persecution that in fact only leads to corruption to get around it? (Uzbekistan). Or are their cultural factors? Or is it that if you are just too poor, with half your GDP made up of people gone abroad to work,  it's hard to be corrupt?

    Cue up the garden perennial story that the Russian language is dying out because somebody has made a trip to Dushanbe and has anecdotes to tell. Sorry, this old Russian-speaker isn't buying it. Maybe because I speak Russian to all the Tajiks I ever run into in New York or Washington, even 20-somethings, and they never seem surprised or angry. Now, I get it that Russian isn't being taught as much, that young people aren't speaking it as much, and so on. And there's also the living fact that actual native Russian-speakers are being driven out of Tajikistan by repression and poverty — doctors and engineers among the ethnic Russians and Russian speakers of the old Soviet Union are forced to leave — 3661 last year, which doesn't sound like very many, until you realize this is among the tens of thousands who have left since the fall o f the USSR, and they happen to be among many of the professionals. It's brain-drain, which isn't a surprising thing in a country where the dictator turns off Internet pages on a whim.

    Even so, I think programmers for this region, whether at RFE/RL or OSI or OSCE or any institution, have really lost an opportunity due to their hatred of Russians and aversion toward the Russian language. Here was this built-in lingua-franca that you didn't have to pay anyone to teach or learn, like English, which still isn't as widespread as these planners believe. There is all kind of literature — good, democratic literature — published by all kinds of institutions, including even the old CIA-funded bodies like the International Literary Center, now defunct. Here's a lingua franca, by the way, that would enable these peoples to talk to *each other* and others in the CIS who might support them and at least learn about their issues. Yet the nationalists in the State Department or Soros — the people who think that every country has to follow the path of Poland by relying on language and religion to gain freedom — block even the most benign efforts to try to have cross-border Russian materials. The radios don't have Russian-language pages for most of the stans, except Kazakhstan, where the excuse is that there is a large Russian minority. I wonder what their traffic is on that page from all the stans? Somebody in Turkmenistan has to find out free news in Russian from RFE/RL by going to the Kazakhstan page instead of the Turkmen page. The success of fergananews.com and chrono-tm.org in Russian should succeed in making the point to these planners that they are short-sighted and misled. They could be promoting local languages while also trying to use what remains of this lingua franca to promote freedom and understanding.

    Here's When to Schedule Your Trip to Dushanbe, Mark Zuckerberg

    Ever diligent Facebook friends have found out the office hours of Beg Zuhurov, the brazen Tajik official who justified the closure of Facebook on the grounds that "the public was complaining too much about extremism". The official is only at his desk to meet supplicants on Saturdays from 10:00 am to 12:00 pm. Nice! So after a week's hard work, just when you might be sleeping in or spending time with your family or doing your second job to make ends meet, that's when Zuhurov's office is open!

    Fergana.com reported that Tajikistan had blocked Facebook on November 27, and that Zuhurov had invited Zuckerberg "or one of his assistants" to come visit him to discuss the matter. All six Internet providers were ordered to block it and complied; mobile providers did the same.

    Zuhorov made this evasive comment at the time:

    I personally didn't give the order to block the access to the social network Facebook The Communications Service didn't give it either, but if it is necessary, the access will be closed. Every day I receive complaints from people about the contents on the network. The network does not resolve social issues, but purely commercial. Everyone remembers how the civil war began in the country, so then everything then began with criticism. We will not allow war to occur.

    I reported last week that Zuhorov then soon promised to unblock the sites — and he kept his word.

    Are Web Sites Unblocked in Tajikistan?

    But there was still due diligence to be done. Fergana.com asked on December 4 whether reports from RIA-Novosti, the Russian state news agency, were true that Facebook and other Internet sites were unblocked.

    "Access to Facebook is unblocked by the state Internet provider Tajik-telekom," Asomuddin Atoye, head of the Tajik association of Internet providers. "If the state Internet-provider has unblocked Facebook, then I'm sure there will be permission from the Communications Service for other providers and operators as well," Atotyev said.

    Some Tajik Providers Are More Equal Than Others

    Radio Liberty's Tajik Service Radio Ozodi reported that it was blocked on December 1, and apparently later that it  had been unblocked, fergananews.com reported. RFE/RL confirmed that the site was unblocked on December 3. This apparently happened after Tajik state agency for communications sent out SMS messages with "a demand to unblock the site". Fergananews.com was still trying to check whether this was true on December 4, and also discovered that some providers had never blocked the sites in the first place.

    Fergananews.com says a source reported:

    "You know why? Because, for example, the Saturn-Online provider belongs to the son of the president of the country, Rustam Emomalievich, and the Ministry of Communications doesn't touch that company."

    Russian Language Fading Away

    RFE/RL reports: A Tajik who grew up in Dushanbe but only
    recently returned after decades in Russia has noticed a change in the
    Tajik capital. Hardly anyone speaks Russian anymore.

    As Konstantin Parshin at EurasiaNet.org tells it: 

    Evidence is mostly anecdotal, but the linguistic changes are
    obvious to Tajiks who have been away for years. This past summer, for
    example, Ruslan Akhmedov wanted to sell an apartment he inherited, so
    returned to Dushanbe from a small Russian town where he's lived for most
    of his adult life. "I placed an ad in a local paper indicating my phone
    number," Akhmedov recalled. "Out of about thirty people who called me
    during the first couple of days, only three or four easily switched into
    Russian. With the others, I had to communicate in my primitive Tajik.
    Regrettably, I've almost forgotten the language."

    CIS Heads of State Meet 

    The heads of state of the Commonwealth of Independent States met in Ashgabat on December 6.

    Nothing happened.

    The Golden Age, the Turkmen government website, reported:

    The meeting participants considered and discussed a series of issues,
    including organizational. Owing to them, it was made relevant decisions.

    Wait. Did something happen? According to trend.az:

    The Declaration stressed that organized crime, terrorism, illegal drugs
    and psychotropic substances traffic are a serious threat to the security
    of CIS states.


    "We declare our intention to fight against these threats," the document said.

    Russia thinks something did happen, however. Putin hopes to use his leverage hosting the G20 and G8 meetings in Russia to represent Central Asia's intersts. RT reports:

    However, it can happen only on condition that these interests are timely and duly formulated, the Russian president added.

    Developing
    the topic of international cooperation, Vladimir Putin told the
    participants that they should develop and promote a common agenda in
    various other international organizations, such as the OSCE.

    Putin added that the current situation in this organization “was not a source of optimism”. “OSCE
    should have long ago stopped servicing the interests of certain
    countries and concentrate its attention on unification issues,” the Russian leader said.  Putin also expressed hope that when Ukraine takes it turn to chair the OSCE in 2013 it would promote this very position.

    Transparency:  Two-Thirds of Countries Said to Be 'Highly Corrupt

    RFE/RL reports:

    The anticorruption group Transparency
    International (TI) says high levels of bribery, abuse of power, and
    secret dealings continue to “ravage” societies around the world, despite
    a growing public outcry over corrupt governments.


    The annual Corruption Perceptions Index,
    published on December 5 by the Berlin-based group, shows that
    two-thirds of 176 countries are perceived by citizens to be highly
    corrupt.

    Tajikistan is among them, of course.  But as you can see from the map, it ranks only 157, by contrast with its neighbours Turkmenistan, at 170, and Afghanistan, at 174, Uzbekistan at 170, but not as good as Iran, at 133 and just a tad worse than Kyrgyzstan which is at 154.

    Intervention at the OSCE Ministerial Council

    Secretary of State Hillary Clinton had a little bit to say about Tajikistan in her speech at the OSCE meeting of foreign ministers:

    In Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kazakhstan, there are
    examples of the restrictions of the freedom of expression online and
    offline as well as the freedom of religion.

    Ok, that's it. The resolution on digital freedom didn't pass, despite now finally — after some hard negotiations — having 47 signatories. Still, 57 are needed in this consensus organization.

    Russians Leave Tajikistan for Russia

    Asia-Plus says 3,661 people left for Russia this year.

    3,661 people have left Tajikistan for Russia under the Russian
    national program to assist the voluntary resettlement of
    fellow-countrymen living abroad to the Russian Federation since 2007.

    According to the Russian Federal Migration Service (FMS)’s office in Tajikistan, 62 percent of them have higher education.

    So these are ethnic Russians or Russian speakers of other "nationalities", i.e. not Tajiks or Tajik-spakers.

    Speaking at the meeting, Viktor Sebelev, the head of FMS’s office in
    Tajikistan, noted that 30 percent of those who had left Tajikistan for
    Russia under the mentioned program were technical and engineering
    employees and 15 percent physicians.  30 percent of physicians that have
    left Tajikistan fro Russia have scientific degrees.

    Court Sentences "Extremists" in Tajikistan

    Asia-Plus reports December 8 that in Khujand, seven people have been tried for "extremism," accused of membership in Hizb-ut-Tahir, which is a "banned religious extremist party" under Tajik law (in Russian).

    Judge Shukhrat Akhrorov said that the sentences were announced in investigation-isolation building no. 2 in Khujand, and that among the convicted were three women and one minor. Most of them pleaded guilty in exactly the language of the law itself, including "the forcible change of the Constitutional order," said the judge.

    Among them were two Chkalovsk residents, Islom Boboyev, 16, and Sukhrob Khafiz, now 18, were sentenced to 6 and 10 years incarceration, respectively, and were serve their terms in prison colonies under "strict" and "common educational" regimes, respectively.

    Others sentenced:

    Mavloniddin Ermatov, resident of Isfar, 28, second-time offender, 3 years strict regime colony

    Sattorkul Kholikulov, 36, resident of Zafarabad district, also repeat offender, 3 years strict regime.

    Mukhayyo Khafizov, mother of Sukhrob, 39, 12 years, common regimen prison colony

    Mukhabbat Khafizov, 28, 10 years prison

    Minir Boboyev, 40, mother of Islom Boboyev, sentenced to 8.5 years, common regimen prison colony.

    The sentences are being appealed.

    According to the Sogdi region prosecutor, "56 active members of religious and extremist parties have had their cases sent to court."

    Earthquake in Tajikistan

    4.7 magnitude, in Murghob.

    Joint Tajik-Afghan Drug Raid

    Tajik and Afghan authorities nabbed nearly 1,000 pounds of drugs in a six-day border operation.

    “The successful 6-day joint operation was launched in northern Afghan
    province of Badakhshan and Khatlon province in [southern] Tajikistan,”
    the Xinhua news agency reported Afghan Deputy Interior Minister Baz
    Mohammad Ahmadi said at a press conference. The seized drugs included
    heroin and opium.


    Thirteen Afghan citizens are now in custody, the minister said. There
    has been no official statement on any Tajiks arrested in the operation,
    although two Tajik women who had been taken hostage by the drug
    traffickers were released.

    No word on any psychotropic drugs.

    World Bank Advises Tajikistan to Hike Electricity Price 50%

        Central Asia Newsire reports:

    The World Bank has advised authorities in Tajikistan to hike
    electricity prices by 50 percent as part of its solution to the
    country’s perennial winter power crisis, local media reported on
    Tuesday.

    The study, entitled “Tajikistan’s Winter Energy Crisis: Electricity
    Supply and Demand Alternatives”, notes that aside from the country’s
    inability to meet energy requirements, consumers are not incentivized to
    use power carefully.

    That article doesn't mention Roghun, yet the US military-funded Central Asia Newswires has some advice on top of the World Bank's report in the tweet sent to link to the World Bank report

    #Rogun is not answer to #electricity woes – increasing fares, conserving #energy is

    Automatic Check-in Down at Dushanbe Airport

    Central Asia Newswire reports that Tajikistan’s international airport at Dushanbe have been checked-in the
    old fashioned way for the last two weeks over a pay dispute, citing local media
    outlets.

    David Trilling of Eurasianet.org calls this "one of the world's worst airports" and tweets that it "just got more inefficient".

    Forests and Wildlife Increased in Endangered Area in Tajikistan

    Good news! UNDP reports:

    Tajikistan’s Vakhsh River valley is crucial to the livelihoods and food
    security of millions of people, but the degradation of natural resources
    has been persistent and extensive over the past 100 years. The tugai
    forests, reservoirs of biodiversity and source of income for local
    communities, have been stripped at an ever-escalating rate, either to
    clear land for agriculture or as source of energy.

    But UNDP stepped in with a project to reverse these trends.

    After four years, an evaluation of the project found that tree-cutting
    had declined by 90 percent since 2008, allowing the forest to
    regenerate, while populations of birds and animals increased by 50
    percent. Community members say they feel a sense of pride and ownership
    in what they have been able to accomplish. "Protecting the forests is a
    noble cause that should always be supported," says Bekmurodov
    Kurbonmahmad, a member of the committee.

    Did they stop cutting trees merely because they ran out of them? What are they using for fuel now? Animal dung? And while it's great that the animals returned, how are the people doing?

    In the district of Jura Nazarov, UNDP assisted communities with other
    aspects of sustainable rural development. Almost all of the district’s
    14,000 inhabitants depend on farming, but more than 70 percent of the
    land is no longer arable, after years of poor agricultural and
    irrigation practices during the Soviet era.

            Yet, UNDP says it has good news there, too:

    Seventy-five percent of the respondents reported that they were able to
    sell additional crops, with a 25 percent increase in income on average.
    The extra funds have gone into renovating family homes, hiring farm
    labour to expand production, repairing irrigation systems and sending
    children to school.

    Feeling Glum About Tajikistan? Here's a Nice Promotional Video

    From the Embassy of Tajikistan in the US. It has a nice American narrator with a mellow accent, despite that "Ta-JICK-istan" to rhyme with "ick" and will be broadcast on ABC News. The message is that with US investment and lots of mining, the region will become more stable and the relationship will grow stronger.


     

  • Tajik Opticon #2

    Prokudin-Gorsky

    1907 Solar Eclipse Expedition by Sergei Prokhudi-Gorskii, Russian Photographer

     
    This is my little weekly newsletter on Tajikistan on Saturdays. Click on "Tajikistan" on the side bar to see past issues and posts.

    Comments

    Tajikistan's blockage of Facebook, local news sites, and Radio Liberty/Radio Free Europe this week drew expected outrage from all the right places and the US Embassy weighed in with a condemnation on — appropriately — Facebook.

    But Tajik communications czar Beg Zuhurov bounced back to tell everyone today that he will unblock the popular social-networking site — which isn't so reachable anyway in Tajikistan which has low Internet penetration. When? Well, just as soon as he clears some "technical difficulties". He also wanted us to know that the government's blockage was prompted by "the people" who were "outraged" at extremist statements appearing on the web. Zuhurov — who sounds like he has a name that would make a good CEO of a start-up — maybe he should privatize? — said he would even take a personal meeting with Zuckerberg to discuss.

    According to the Wall Street Journal, the head of Facebook in Russia, which oversees operations in Tajikistan (sigh) — Ekaterina Skorobogatova — said the company
    was aware of the situation but "we are not taking any active response". Russia has troops on the Tajik border but they are not available for putting Facebook back online! 

    This blockage is part of a long-standing tendency of the authoritarian government of Emomali Rahmon to block news sites whenever there is unrest or attacks by terrorists or various events — and the excuse is that authorities need to keep a lid on extremism.

    Somewhere between the extreme of blocking Facebook and online in general  — which we are told is supposed to help people become less violent and more connected — and the claims that we have nothing to worry about from terrorists in Tajikistan lies the truth. Muhiddin Kabiri, Chairman of the Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan, said in a recent talk at the Elliot School at GWU that "episodes in the Rasht Valley and in
    Gorno-Badakhshan have little to do with home-grown Islamic extremism" because they are related to the civil war. But…the civil war *was* about extremism as Islamists wanted to take power. Yes, we're always told that "Islam is merely the form which dissent takes in this country". Even so, it can take other forms and the forms of Islam it does take can be extreme.

    Jacob Zenn reports at Jamestown Foundation, citing Interfax that  on November 16, Russian prosecutors charged nine citizens of Tajikistan
    and Russia with membership in Hizb ut-Tahrir and possession of grenades,
    rifles, TNT, millions of dollars’ worth of counterfeit money, and
    written materials promoting extremism. We're told over and over by certain factions in the State Department (who also downplay the Benghazi events) and their allies in the think-tanking world that HuT is harmless and peaceful — based on the group's own self-declarations of peace. And then every time we see any group actually caught performing some violent act, we're told those are people who left HuT or aren't really in HuT but in another group. Now, it's always possible that all those grenades and counterfeit bills were planted, but then, maybe they weren't.

    Joshua Foust tweeted misleadingly — unless you really focus on the scare quotes — that
    Faisal Devji said "civil society" is bad for democracy. What he means is that certain Islamic charities that have made the Pamiris dependent are bad for democracy. Foust tends to minimize these problems; but I can see Devji's point — it's rather like the way Occupy Wall Street is going around preying on Hurricane Sandy victims now to make people sign up for their revolutionary movement. Sure, they do some good along the way and there may be really sincere helpers and really grateful aid recipients. But it's not the way to encourage the civic life outside of political extremism that helps create the climate for real democracy.

    I remember a USAID woman who told me piously in the 1990s that she was bringing the warring sides of the Tajik civil war together by forcing them to go out together on garbage pick-up runs, and this immersion in municipal duty would take their minds off their abstract extreme positions. Leave aside the fact that people in Tajikistan didn't have discarded fast food wrappers and such as we have in the West to make up lots of garbage, the fact is, people had real issues (for them) in the civil war that still haven't gone away, and don't lend themselves merely to dismissal round the trash pick-up. USAID hopes never grow dim, however, and the US has gifted Tajikistan with more garbage trucks.

    Tajikistan's outrageous practice of torture got some tough scrutiny this month in Geneva at the UN Commitee Against Torture. The CAT experts named names and cited bad practices such as holding people for more than 72 hours in detention, and without notification of relatives in the first 12 hours — in all the post-Soviet states it is this stage of doznaniye (identification) where the torture often takes place to extract a confession. The remedies CAT proposes are pie-in-the-sky — independent oversight and investigation bodies, registries, follow-up — but that's okay because it outlines what a normal country would function like, and that's something to work toward some day. Meanwhile, the people advocating for these changes within Tajikistan and suffering reprisals even for contacting this very committee at the UN are given a boost of recognition.

    Tajik Official Promises Zuckerberg Facebook to be Unblocked 

    Beg Zuhurov, head of the communications ministry in Tajikistan has promised Facebook's CEO Mark Zuckerberg through a translator that he will unblock the popular social network, Asia Plus reported December 1. (in Russian). 

    "I informed the respected Zuckerberg that most citizens of Tajikistan who had lived through the recent civil war and lost their relatives and friends were outraged at any extremist calls and lies disseminated through his social network," Interfax reporetd, citing Zukhurov.

    He cited "technical reasons" for why there's still a hold-up in turning access to the site back on in Tajikistan.

     Tajikistan Blocks Facebook

    Next Web and other news service reported November 27 that Tajikistan’s Office of Telecommunications has officially ordered all
    ISPs and mobile carriers in the country to block access to Facebook
    following a spoken order a day earlier.

    By Monday evening, all 6 ISPs and 6 mobile carriers in Tajikistan
    complied to the orders, cutting local users from the world’s biggest
    social network. The head of the office Beg Zuhurov has explained the reasons behind blocking Facebook to RIA Novosti,

    “I received many calls from citizens of Tajikistan,
    asking me to shut down this Facebook as a hotbed of slander. Unknown
    people there insult the leaders of the state. They are apparently being
    paid well for that.”

    RFE/RL's Site in Tajikistan Blocked

    The website of RFE/RL's Tajik Service appears to be blocked on the Internet in Tajikistan.

    Asomuddin Atoev, the chairman of Tajikistan's Association of Internet
    Service Providers, told RFE/RL on November 30 that several leading
    service providers received SMS messages from Tajikistan's state-run
    Communications Service requesting the blockage.

    US Condemns Blocking of Facebook in Tajikistan

    Amb. Susan Elliot condemned the blocking of Facebook and other sites on…where else? Facebook!

    "The
    U.S. Embassy is concerned with the apparent decision by the
    Communications Service of the Republic of Tajikistan to block access to
    Facebook, Radio Ozodi, and other Internet news sites. The United States
    believes that the right of individuals to express their views freely is
    universal, whether exercised in a public square or on the Internet.

    We
    urge the Government of Tajikistan to respect individual rights to
    freedom of expression and lift its restriction on Facebook, Radio Ozodi,
    and other blocked news sites."

    Trial Resumes of Police Charged in Death of Detainee

    November 29, 2012, Asia-Plus — The trial has resumed in
    Dushanbe of an investigator from the police station in Dushanbe’s
    Shohmansour charged over the death of a detainee.

    Bahromiddin Shodiyev died in hospital in later October last year ten
    days after he was interrogated at the police station in Dushanbe’s
    Shohmansour district.

    Tajikistan Reviewed at UN Committee Against Torture

    Tajikistan was reviewed at the recent session in Geneva of the UN's Committee Against Torture, the treaty body that examines compliance with the Convention Against Torture. The list of issues and the Tajik government's response, as well as the experts' conclusions can be found here (scroll down and look to the column on the far right). My summary is below the fold.

    Hizb ut-Tahrir Takes Advantage of Ethnic Fault Lines in Tatarstan, Kyrgyzstan

    Jacob Zenn reports at Jamestown Foundation:  On November 16, Russian prosecutors charged nine citizens of Tajikistan
    and Russia with membership in Hizb ut-Tahrir and possession of grenades,
    rifles, TNT, millions of dollars’ worth of counterfeit money, and
    written materials promoting extremism (Interfax [Moscow], November 16).
    In the months prior, there were also several incidents in which Hizb
    ut-Tahrir members and other religious extremists were arrested in the
    Ural region oblast of Chelyabisnk. Chelyabinsk borders Kazakhstan as
    well as the Republic of Bashkortostan whose population is more than half
    composed of Muslim Tatars and Bashkirs.

    Chelyabinsk is more
    than 90 percent ethnic Russian, but has recently shown signs of
    extremist influence. On October 20, counter-intelligence officers
    searched an office where a female citizen was suspected of storing
    Hizb-ut-Tahrir materials on her computer. And in August, five Hizb
    ut-Tahrir members were arrested by the Federal Security Service (FSB)
    for using material from Islamist websites and Hizb ut-Tahrir propaganda
    to “brainwash” worshippers at religious classes about “toppling
    non-Islamic governments” and “establishing a global caliphate” (Interfax
    [Chelyabinsk], October 22; Interfax [Chelyabinsk], August 2).

    Chairman of Islamic Rebirth Party on Current Situation in Tajikistan

    The Central Asia Program at IERES, the the Elliott School of International Affairs, George Washington University, has this talk available online of Muhiddin Kabiri, Chairman of the Islamic Rebirth Party of Tajikistan,  on the current political and religious situation in Tajikistan on October 16, 2012. The talk is available in its English translation.

    Richard Weitz also has a write-up of the talk on EurasiaNet:

    "Tajikistan has experienced bouts of internal violence in the past couple
    of years, but the bloody episodes in the Rasht Valley and in
    Gorno-Badakhshan have little to do with home-grown Islamic extremism,
    asserts Muhiddin Kabiri, the leader of the Islamic Renaissance Party of
    Tajikistan, the only legally operating, religiously oriented political
    group in Central Asia today."

    US Government Delivers Garbage Trucks

    December 1, 2012, Asia-Plus – On Friday November 30, USAID/Tajikistan
    Country Director Kathleen McDonald participated in the transfer of
    three specialized waste disposal trucks to the jamoats of Isfisor,
    Zarzamin, and Ghafurov, U.S. Embassy in Dushanbe said.

    The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) funded and
    implemented the project through its Local Development Initiative.

    AIDS Deaths in Tajikistan

    Every fifth person ill with HIV/AIDS in the Kulyab region in the south of Tajikistan has died, Asia Plus reported December 1. According to officials, 556 infected persons there have been registered, of which 119 have died. (in Russian).

    International AIDs day in Tajikistan is helping to turn out people for voluntary testing, says Asia Plus. 654 cases have been found in the first 9 months of this year. 4,500 cases have been registered since 1991.

    Is Some Civil Society in Tajikistan Not So Civic?

    In Current Intelligence there's an intriguing article by Faisal Devji, Reader in Indian History and Director of the Asian Studies Centre at St. Antony’s College, Oxford University titled "Dictatorship of Civil Society in Tajikistan":

    "The fall of the Soviet Union gave rise to a narrative about the “transition” to democracy, for which the concept of civil society was seen as being foundational. Represented by new-fangled NGOs on the one hand, and on the other by more traditional religious or economic institutions, civil society was meant to establish peace in post-Soviet societies by limiting the reach of the state and indeed politics in general, seen as the source of conflict and violence there. I want to argue here that the reverse is actually the case. Civil society in its post-Cold War incarnation, which is very often funded from abroad, serves both to prevent the establishment of democratic politics, as well as increase the risks of conflict and so the possibility of violence."

    Devji then elaborates on what he means by "civil society" — the Aga Khan Development Network,  a group of Islamic charities not without some controversy (a Glass Door review says non-Ismaili employees may have trouble advancing to senior positions).

    "Having helped to save Pamiris from violence, pestilence and famine during the civil war, the AKDN, together with the Ismaili religious organizations that shadow it, ended up making them more vulnerable to attack. This is partly due to their entering into what appears to be an informal pact with the government, in which the latter is allowed to have its way while the AKDN and its religious shadows engage in murky financial and other transactions. A number of the Ismaili religious bodies, for example, seem to have no official existence in Tajikistan, though the funds they receive from abroad appear to be transmitted by the AKDN, even though its role is not meant to include this kind of support. These organizations then hire Pamiris who, in violation of Tajik law, possess no recognized employment status or identification, and can therefore be picked up at any time by the state’s security agencies."

    Tajikistan's Difficult Development Path

    Carnegie's Martha Brill Olcott and Johannes F. Linn from the Emerging Markets Forum discussed Martha’s latest book, Tajikistan’s Difficult Development Path.
    Relying on extensive fieldwork and empirical studies, the work is the
    first of its kind in systematically delving into the economic,
    political, and social outlook for the country.

    Despite the increased level of expert and public attention to Central Asia stemming from the region’s strategic location and abundance of natural resources, Tajikistan has remained generally understudied both in the United States and in the international community more generally. A country of seven and a half million people, it faces some of the most difficult challenges amongst the post-Soviet states. Magnifying these challenges is the impending withdrawal of international forces from Afghanistan, which creates a particularly difficult security threat for neighboring Central Asian countries.

    Mass Migration Good for Regime, Argues Political Scientist

    EurasiaNet reports:  It has long been clear that Tajikistan’s economy depends on cash
    remittances from labor migrants. In mid-November, the World Bank said
    remittances amounted to the equivalent of 47 percent of the country’s
    GDP, making Tajikistan the most remittance-dependent country in the
    world.

    For years, observers have argued that migration – and the poverty
    driving it – is a threat to Tajikistan’s stability. But in an intriguing
    essay earlier this month for Radio Ozodi, Tajik political scientist
    Navruz Nekbakhtshoev argued that the exodus of labor migrants actually
    helps stabilize Tajikistan and enables President Imomali Rahmon to
    maintain his grip on power. Labor migrants – who comprise perhaps one
    out of every seven Tajiks – provide the cash that keeps the country
    afloat. But they are not home (most work in Russia) to protest the
    corruption, nepotism, or entrenched poverty. So the government,
    Nekbakhtshoev argues, effectively rids itself of an active population
    that might otherwise be malcontents at home. [To read the original
    essay, as posted by @eTajikstan in English, click here].

     

    (more…)

  • Should Christine Fair Work for the State Department?

    First, let me say this.

    I'm a HUGE believer in Twitter free
    speech. I've fought hard for it in the early days of Twitter when people
    like copyleftist cultist Cory Doctorow wanted to get a critic like me
    banned. I've literally refused to extend a contract with the
    Soros-funded Eurasianet.org of Open Society Institute because they
    unjustly wanted to slap a Twitter gag on me merely for legitimately (as
    board and staff members conceded) fighting back against the contentious
    Registan.net crowd. That's how strongly I believe in fighting Twitter
    censorship — in a way few have ever done who spout about it.

    And
    as I've documented amply on this blog, four people associated with
    Registan — Joshua Foust, Nathan Hamm, Sarah Kendzior, and Katy Pearce — all used
    Twitter to harass and heckle me for my *legitimate* criticism of their views, and
    even called for me to be removed from my position. I found that an
    enormously creepy phenomenon by those close to power getting Department
    of Defense contracts, and a tremendous chill on free intellectual
    debate. Joshua Foust is a very-much documented bully, but that he has
    groupies who also serve as his henchmen is not as well known.

    So I'm very much for any kind of free speech on Twitter, and I have made the sacrifices for it personally. It's precisely for that reason that I distinguish between free speech and the kind of harassment and incitement for removal of somebody's livelihood that some engage in. In this post, I'm honestly asking whether a cocky public figure who brags about their knowledge and connection should be in government. That's what you get to do in a liberal democratic society.

    So
    because I put my money where my mouth is — very literally — I think
    it's more than fine to ask when people harass and bully you on Twitter,
    going beyond even pointed debate — whether they are fit for their jobs
    or fit for even more prestigious jobs.

    I've been travelling and
    also on vacation and also started a new project so I haven't been
    blogging as much. I left it to Twitter to give a little pushback on
    Joshua Foust's awful article on Pussy Riot (and I'll try to return and
    give it due diligence — Update, here I've taken it apart now). It was his usual ultimately pro-Kremlin stuff, wrapped in a
    surrogate attack on intellectuals and celebrities who criticize the Kremlin and a tucked into a cunning and misleading faux-critique of Putin — and
    gosh, don't you dare ever take a position accusing Foust of cunning pro-Kremlin
    positions or bashing anti-Kremlin intellectuals as a surrogate, because
    then he will call you a neo-con, or worse, a McCarthyite! It's so
    tiresome.

    That somebody could cross the street and dump on Pussy Riot
    and urge that it not become "the next Kony" is simply despicable. I've
    been far more tempered than most on the Pussy Riot question as I think
    freedom of expression doesn't get to trump freedom of religion under the
    principles of universality, but surely they don't deserve punishment
    more than two weeks of community service and it's a welcome and unexpected development that despite the pernicious fashion of the Kremlin these days, especially with agit-prop Russia Today. Foust can't see his way clear
    to moral positions like that, so he reaches for his club to bash his
    fellow intellectuals who can, all the while pretending that unlike everybody else, he understands the "real" threat of Putinism and has explicated it with far more sophistication — *snort*.

    For some reason, when I posted this
    tweet describing Foust's position as awful, after several people agreed with me, someone named Christine Fair
    @cchristinefair intervened and writes "@catfitz Hey Cat Fish..the dude is spot on. What's your grouse? @joshuafoust

    Of
    course, the marker for Internet assholery is obvious here, when
    somebody has to make fun of your name to make an argument, but then the
    perspective — supporting Foust in is odious slam not only on Pussy Riot
    but their defenders — is its own marker as well. Who knows what drives
    these awful positions? It's part "enemy of my enemy is my friend," and
    part fake concern trolling for some putative balanced human rights
    position that they themselves never practice in condemning America and
    its friends as well. Does Christine Fair take the same uncritical — and
    shifting and twisting — position on drones as her pal Foust?

    This Twit spat might have ended there, but it didn't. It goads her enormously that anyone is characterized as pro-Kremlin. "Christine Fair
    ‏@CChristineFair

    @joshuafoust You are so pro-Kremlin! WHO talks like that? Ms. Cat Fish talks like that!"

    Yes,
    I sure as hell do, because that's what the position is, and that's what
    needs to be called out. What *is* this fashion of going soft on Putin by pretending to understand him "better"
    really all about, again?! 

    Says Foust then, "@CChristineFair don't feed the trolls, Chris. You will rue the day!"

    So there's more sillyness: "Christine Fair
    ‏@CChristineFair

    @joshuafoust No sir. Ms. Cat Fish will rue the day…She'll be the Wikipedia entry for "cat fish rues the day""

    Foust then replies, "@CChristineFair go get her. She's been banned from half the Internet for her horrible trolliness"

    Ugh.
    Go get her?! What is this, the thought police?! I have been banned
    from… Sluniverse.com, a website for fans of Second Life whose denizens
    tend to be pro open source and to give griefing and online harassment a
    pass so I'm critical of them and they hate me and ultimately banned me
    for standing up to some really creepy types in 4chan and Anonymous, if
    not LulzSec, who in fact were banned from the virtual world of Second
    Life for harassment of other users and server crashing. Hello! I'm not
    banned from this world or from its official forums (as is often
    misreported, simply because long ago in 2006, I was for a time for the
    same reason — thin-skinned open source cultists unable to take
    criticism, but then wiser heads prevailed because I had not violated the
    TOS).

    I can't think of any other sites I'm banned from *except*
    Registan. In fact, one of the reasons the ban-hammer Nathan Hamm banned
    me was because in fright, he believed I was someone related to some
    other Internet critic of his, and in intimidation, he had this illusion
    that I was "banned everywhere" hyped by others, so he felt justified.

    Good Lord, what a lot of nervous nellies.

    Not Christine Fair, however. She writes boldly, "Christine Fair
    ‏@CChristineFair

    @joshuafoust She can rumble with the trailer park rabble! Back to more Pak defense nonsense. Reading Hilal right now. Wanna shoot myself."

    Er,
    trailer park rabble? I deserve to have my name ridiculed, to be
    threatened with online bullying ("go get her"), because…why? Because I stood up for
    Pussy Riot and its defenders against the immoral Joshua Foust? Huh?

    Foust later adds, "joshuafoust
    ‏@joshuafoust

    @CChristineFair Hahaha Catty Catty Fitz Fitz is a priceless treasure whom everyone hates! (see also her Second Life: http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=prokofy%20neva …)

    "Everyone"
    hates me, you see — LOL. And then he resorts to an entry in Urban
    Dictionary put in by 4chan and Anonymous bullies who have been hounding
    me since 2007, ever since I began reporting accurately on their Internet
    antics, long before it became fashionable. So yeah, Joshua Foust and
    Christine Fair are aligning themselves with an anarchist hacker movement
    that has attacked the Pentagon and other government sites. Are they
    pleased with themselves?

    So I respond to Foust the only way you can:

    CatherineFitzpatrick
    ‏@catfitz
    @joshuafoust @CChristineFair Still feeling insecure after all these years, Joshik! You *wish* you were as proud of your second life as I am!

    Because at the root of every bully as we know is insecurity. That
    much is clear from the twisted account of his life put up by the
    equally-odious EXiled.

    Now Christine replies, "Christine Fair
    ‏@CChristineFair

    @catfitz dudette, you know that sounds cat-hoarding, stalker crazy? @joshuafoust

    So,
    wait. Standing up to a bully online who has written falsehoods about
    you and harassed you for months on end is "stalker crazy"? Is
    "cat-hoarding"? How do people *get* like this? Have they been on the
    Internet too long? Has no one ever questioned what they do?

    And this is why I ask, with frank bewilderment,
    how a person gets this arrogant and cocky and engages in what can only
    be described as casual assholery on the Internet. On her Twitter account, Fair writes:

    Assistant Professor of South Asian pol-mil affairs at
    Georgetown. Views are my own-especially if they are twisted. Awaiting
    your anonymous, ad hominem attacks.


    Washington DC
    ·

    http://christinefair.net

    Well, sure, we get the disclaimer, dearie. But what kind of
    professor behaves this way? Oh, I know. another professor who was at
    Georgetown — Katy Pearce. Is this how they are?

    Again, the
    issues isn't *criticism* of views or even *strong, robust criticism* of
    views. It's *assholery*. That's the word you need to describe when
    people behave badly — calling names, calling on others to "go get 'em,"
    bullying, harassing, making up wild stuff like "trailer trash" and "cat-hoarding" and
    "stalkery crazy".

    As is known, when people continually do that, I
    fight back — I fight back hard. In some cases, I'll find the perfect
    name for them — and thought they have behaved badly first, they will
    then find a taste of their own medicine and then indignantly cry foul.

    But
    I haven't called this Assistant Professor Fair any names nor accused
    her of any outlandish stuff, other than alliance with Foust which she
    herself expressed. I don't even know her and never heard of her, uh,
    contributions to the military-political affairs of South Asia.

    Here this cocky, brash obnoxious lady brags:

    Christine Fair
    ‏@CChristineFair

    @faisalkapadia @Manticore73 AT least parts of the State Dept…won't say which one as I might be doing a fellowship in State 🙂

    So…let's get this straight? This, er, academic is not willing to call out which parts of the State Department still think the Haqqani network (just finally characterized as a foreign terrorist organization) are "useful" because….she might work for that department. How could someone be so craven? Only if they felt an absolute sense of their own high credentials and powers, even from their "assistant professorhood," because they feel they are a brain that someone will always want to hire for their expertise.

    These kinds of fellowship seem to be more frequent  under the Obama Administration than they used to be, but someone can correct me if I'm
    wrong.

    In any event, I have to ask: this person should be in the
    government, with this kind of approach to debate and intellectual
    freedom? In other words, an approach that is antithetical to freedom and
    involves bullying and harassment — name-calling and intimidation? 

    This
    person should be involved in diplomacy??? Why? Because they have a
    hook-up at State? Because they have friends in high places?

    And of course there's the larger question of whether a) someone should publicly criticism State policy if they wish to work there or b) our modern-day challenge, whether someone should Tweet that they still hope to get a job with State so won't name the folks guilty of still hanging on to the Haqqani illusion — calling into question their academic credibility.

    Prof. Fair comes extremely high-credentialed:

    Previously, she has served as a senior political scientist with the RAND
    Corporation, a political officer to the United Nations Assistance
    Mission to Afghanistan in Kabul, and as a senior research associate in
    USIP's Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. She is also a
    senior fellow with the Counter Terrorism Center at West Point.

    How
    is it that all of these institutions — the RAND Corporation, that
    people still think of as nearly synonymous with the CIA with all their
    studies from the Cold War era (I'm reading a particularly delightful one
    now on Bolshevik tactics); UNAMA, which for all its troubles has tried
    to do good in Afghanistan and keep the record; USIP, which is a perfectly nice kind of
    pasture for all kinds of officials to graze in for awhile between jobs and serves a
    useful function in government; and West Point. West Point! How could
    somebody who has been through West Point and RAND take part in childish
    bullying online on Twitter against someone who *rightly* criticized an
    awful ultimately pro-Kremlin blog post? It's as if flirting with Putinism passes
    for critical thinking.

    Prof. Fair may indeed be heavily qualified
    for her fellowship at the State Department. But if she wants to be a
    *good* official and engage in *good* governance, she will have to
    refrain from bullying and harassing. It's just not professional. And I
    hope some interviewer tells her so.

    I'm going to read up on her
    works and positions and see if she enjoys such fraternization with Foust
    because she follows that same curious line of dismissing the
    documenters and critics of terrorism as ill-informed hysterics.

    "She is a many-time survivor of the University of Chicago. She earned
    her B.S. in Biological Chemistry in 1991. She also completed an M.A.
    from the Harris School of Public Policy as well as an M.A in South Asian
    Languages and Civilizations in 1997. In 2004, she received her Ph.D. in
    South Asian Languages and Civilizations.

    She can cause trouble in multiple languages."

    I'll bet.

    The
    reason a heavily-credentialed person close to all the military analysis
    and planning of our country can do something like call a stranger names
    on the Internet and ridicule them as "cat-hoarders" (?!) is because
    they feel a supreme sense of impunity. Everyone who isn't in the same
    corridors of credentials and powers is fair game and unprotected.

    Maybe this is one of the things that is wrong with our country?

     

  • The Opportunistic New Friends of Belarus, Cory Doctorow and Rebecca MacKinnon

     

    By Catherine A. Fitzpatrick

    All of a sudden, we have some new opportunistic Friends of Belarus — Cory Doctorow and Rebecca MacKinnon. They had virtually nothing to say all this time since December 2010 — 18 months — while hundreds of people have been tortured and put in jail, including the main independent journalists and those operating independent web sites like charter97.org   That's because Belarus just doesn't "fit" in their worldview, dominated by the US and its allies and the US and its sins. Russia's sins and the sins of all its allies are outside the ambit of their "progressive" worldview; they virtually never talk about it (both of them piped up about Russia only when they could bang on Microsoft, when corrupt Russians using Microsoft's name harassed human rights activists and environmentalists).

    Now that Swedish investigative journalists and NGOs have produced a film exposing the awful role played by Teliasonera in helping the regimes of Belarus, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and other post-Soviet states, finally Cory Doctorow can pay attention: evil telecom! Must stop! Boo, hiss!

    Here's my post at BoingBoing.net:

    We missed you and EFF back back in December 2010 when the Belarusian regime cracked down on thousands of peaceful demonstrators who were protesting election fraud, arresting some 700 people, and sentencing hundreds of them to lengthy sentences of years. Andrei Sannikov, Uladzimer Nyaklyaeu and the other opposition presidential candidates and their staffs. We missed you throughout 2011 and 2012 as all these people were mistreated and tortured, new arrests took place, and few but the US and EU governments and a few NGOs said anything about it. Throughout this period the regime closed down websites or hijacked them to show viewers only state sites; the main news site charter97.org has constantly been under DDOS attacks. This was never of interest to you Internet freedom fighters.

    Swedish Foreign Minister Carl Bildt and various Swedish non-governmental organizations protested repeatedly to try to get them released, and finally the combination of US and EU sanctions on this regime led to the release of some leaders, although some still remain. EFF and all the cool kids could have cared less about Internet freedom issues in Belarus and these other countries as they didn't fit your paradigm of "Blame America First".

    You only tuned in when you could see the words "telecom" and begin to salivate in glee — because you don't care about human rights in countries like Belarus or Uzbekistan for their own sakes until you can find some angle that fits your own "progressive" ideology of hating on telecoms as evil obstacles to your Google-centric world.

    Teliasonera has enabled bad regimes, to be sure. But telecoms or Western businesses aren't the central issue, and if you take away their support, these autocrats just turn to China and their telecom companies. In fact evil telcos, whether Western, Russian, Chinese, or whatever, are making millions of people able to have their own cell phones and use the Internet, which some of them use to gather information independently and protest the regimes.

    And then, confronted with this complex story in which a Swedish telecom has not done the right thing, but the real problem is the nature of these authoritarian regimes, all you can do is turn an infantile gaze at your pet issue of surveillance in the United States, where you have more freedom of expression than any country in the world

    As for Rebecca MacKinnon, I welcome her to the Newly-Acquired Conscience Society for Belarus on Twitter, and she bristled. "Do your homework before accusing me," in an angry tweet. I had commented that she had not seemed to notice what Teliasonera or other companies did, although she's always banging on telecoms. She retorted that in fact she had tweeted about it a few days ago. Oh, but that doesn't count, as the time to care about telecoms and Belarus was 18 months ago, not a few days ago, if you really cared — and in fact, it was never really the primary issue. She also said she had mentioned the issue in her speech at Oslo Freedom Forum (I don't exactly see it there, but whatever*).

    Yet that speech epitomizes what is so awful about MacKinnon, Doctorow, Jillian York and the rest of the EFF and Berkman Center gang — the insidious moral equivalency of democratic countries under the rule of law with authoritarian countries without the rule of law. "Even in democratic nations," MacKinnon piously intones, "governments are using excuses to increase this control, such as the need for the protection of children." Excuses? Why can't governments block child pornography, which in fact involves often the exploitation of Russian children?!

    "We’re finding a growing global movement against companies who we feel are infringing our rights," she gushes. Of course, you don't have rights regarding companies — something I've been protesting about for seven years long before EFF cared about the typical Silicon Valley corporate TOS.

    Companies are non-state actors and are not obliged to enable your piracy, child pornography, or terrorism, let alone even absolutist free speech. They are private entities with their own rights of freedom of association and freedom of expression. Sure, we would like them to be bound at least by their own TOS (they seldom are) or principles of justice and rights, but negotiating such "rights" through the ITU or UN would bring about the very horrible controls from authoritarian regimes that MacKinnon also references in her protest that "we don't have a seat at the table" at ITU. (And that's why I say the answer is not to impose new "guidelines" or negotiate international rights in hostile international territory, but simply to enable a free market of ISPs and social media platforms with a range of approximation to these rights and values. MacKinnon doesn't like Apple's "censorship" of the intifada app? Then let her go over to CREDO or some other "progressive" telecom that can provider her with such violent entertainment.)

    Let me point out that none of us have a seat at the table at ITU even if MacKinnon's organizations get seats — and that's not the way to get Internet freedom. Companies  get to decide their course. The last place we should look for promotion of real freedom of expression and the fundamental liberty of Internet connection is the Global Network Initiative of Internet-related companies and NGOs over which MacKinnon presides — they could care less about Egypt or Syria or Belarus or Azerbaijan in the GNI context, whatever they do on their own, but devote most of their ire against US congress people drafting bills against piracy or promoting cybersecurity — Google's business imperatives matter far more to them than basic human rights for all.

    MacKinnon uses her highly-visible pulpit at the Oslo Freedom Forum to talk about a piece of legislation that she doesn't like that hinders violation of intellectual property rights. "EU politicians are increasingly saying that policies like ACTA are dead," she gloats. What about the journalists who are dead in places like Belarus, Azerbaijan, and Uzbeksitan, Rebecca? That's not the fault of telecoms or evil Western governments who want to prosecute pirates: it's the fault of those very authoritarian regimes.

    MacKinnon is thrilled that Wikipedia thugglishly went dark to whine about anti-piracy legislation that offended their "copyleftist" goals; that charter97.org was dark for many days due to the KGB never bothered her. For MacKinnon, protesting against firewalls put into place by the authoritarian and brutal state of Pakistan, where journalists are murdered with impunity, is all on a smooth and glib moral plane with the US, maybe passing some laws that in fact were narrowly defined against specific kinds of commercial piracy — bills that were defeated by a flash mob organized by Google, and Mitch Kapor's anti-copyright organizations EFF, PCF and Fight for the Fututre.

    It's really freaky — the only way that MacKinnon and these other self-absorbed and self-referential North Americans can see their way clear to taking up issues of human rights abroad is if they can find an evil Western corporation in the mix, or a Western government opposing piracy. The roots of piracy in authoritarian countries like Russia that metasticize their corruption to the rest of the world are uninteresting to them.

    I remember back in December 2010 and January 2011 there were various protest groups on Facebook where some of us repeatedly raised the issues of the European telecoms. There is an Austrian company doing business in Belarus that was involved as well as the Swedish company. An influential "progressive" Austrian activist actually didn't want to take up boycotts of companies or an EU boycott of Belarus, because "this would harm people". Nobody did.

    At that time, the Skype conversations of all the opposition leaders were being published in the state newspaper, sometimes in tendentious and false excerpts. It seems some mobile phone conversations were also used, and the location data — people were placed in the square at the time of the demonstration using this information, and that was enough to jail them.

    Of course, Lukashenka has been in business since 1996, long before the Internet and mobile phones were so present even in his own repressive country, and would find ways to jail people even without any evil foreign telecoms, as he always had, using the prodigious capacity of the still-named KGB, which follows people everywhere the old fashioned way. I recall once going to meet an opposition candidate along with some Belarusian journalists, and there were so many cars following us there was a traffic jam.

    There were different theories about how the Skype calls got in the state press — the KGB didn't necessarily hack into Skype; they may have simply hacked into computers and read logs, or they may have simply opened up computers with Firefox, which handily open up all applications for you with their embedded pass words — awfully convenient for the secret police unless you thought to use various devices to erase or download your hard drive quickly on to a flash drive.

    But people didn't think they were going to be arrested. They had been allowed to campaign independently during the election and have meetings with independent candidates. They thought a peaceful election-night rally on a square wouldn't lead to such a severe crackdown.

    Regardless of how the secret police got the conversations, location data, etc., by their own sleuthing or with the mechanical affordances of the telecoms they had access to, or which colluded them, the centrality of evil is in their corner, not foreign companies. I've said this about China and Cisco as well.

    I was just reading about Sergey Brin's anguish in staying in China after the Chinese government censored; he justified remaining under his usual theory that more knowledge was better than less, and that the Chinese people would get more from even a censored Google than if it were completely removed. It took the Chinese government's direct assault on Google's own servers for him to see it more personally — and then he could see his way clear to exiting Google — when a company has skin in the game, it's not until their own skin burns that the game becomes less fun for them, as they keep rationalizing it as still fun for other people.

    ___________

    *When I debated MacKinnon about this and she mentioned the Oslo Freedom Forum, a pretentious little social media flak from OFF began following me. I asked him if he stalked people when they disagreed with OFF speakers. "Don't flatter yourself," he told me rudely — as I often noticed, "strategic communications" is a profession where above all, you are entitled to be an arrogant ass and amplify it across all platforms. I then asked if he had an automatic script that followed anyone who mentioned OFF.

  • Why Doesn’t Nathan Hamm Like the Story of How Authoritarian States Respond to Erosion of Their Information Dominance?

    Aelita
    Internet cafe in Astana, capital of Kazakhstan, 2010. Photo by aelita.

    Registan has been fairly static lately, or as Joshua Foust would describe it, "non-kinetic" and hasn't had as as many regular posts. Curiously, Nathan Hamm, the site co-founder, a defense analyst, who works in one of those secretive boxes somewhere with classified status, has been running a spate of articles about human rights that seem designed to look like they are somehow critical of the rights situation in Uzbekistan.

    They aren't really.

    Just take a closer look and you'll see they really don't challenge the government of Uzbekistan or even the much-ridiculed Gulnara Karimova. "Uzbekistan’s government rarely budges in meaningful ways," says Hamm — and counsels avoiding a downgrade of Uzbekistan's status under US laws against aid to countries found to engage in trafficking and forced labor, because this would harm the NDN.

    So his articles sort of create the appearance of covering human rights critically by actually doing something else that is perfectly blessed activity for the "progressives": they bash Komen, the breast cancer organization for dealing with Karimova's charity.

    This was low-hanging fruit, as Komen was mercilessly savaged by "the Internet" for temporarily witholding funding of Planned Parenthood because it gives referrals to abortions, and it was hoping to avoid controversy with its base, which includes women against abortion as well as those who are "pro-choice." Komen was bullied into restoring the funding to PP, but then blundered into the relationship with Uzbekistan through some overseas "race for the cure" sort of program. So not only Hamm and the rest of the crowd had lots of fun with this for days, Wonkette suddenly woke up and paid attention to Uzbekistan for the first time ever, and wrote some of the most viciously catty articles ever known to the site about Karimova for hooking up with the evil and hated Komen. Gosh, we missed Wonkette when we were picketing Gulnara's fashion show to draw attention to forced child labour. Surely Wonkette likes children?

    The whole opportunistic spasm has now passed and Gulnara will be forgotten again — as she was for months after the fashion picket, even though there should be a sustained scrutiny on her and her dictator dad for ever public appearance about everything, not only when she connects with politically-incorrect American non-profits.

    But this flurry of faux human rights concern didn't last for long: the Nathan Hamm we recall from all the other RealPolitik posts is back today with this twisted post admonishing a fellow defense analyst to "Focus on the Social in Social Media."

    The purpose of a post like this is to make it appear to the casual eye and the typical one-minute website visitor that an article about the importance of citizen journalism is being covered in Registan. And so it is — for about three paragraphs as he references Small Wars Journal, which published an article by Matthew Stein, a research analyst currently working at the Foreign Military Studies Office at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.  Stein says:

    Finally, the significance of these videos is that the people of Zhanaozen were able to get information on the incident out into social media despite the government’s control over access. People using social media to publicize incidents that might not otherwise be noticed is not a new trend, as can be seen from worldwide events in 2011. However, this is the most noteworthy example from Kazakhstan, much less Central Asia, of this happening.

    Indeed. Those videos from Zhanaozen were invaluable in completely undermining not only Nazarbayev's narrative that everything was minimal and now under control; they were vital in undermining Joshua Foust's narrative that Zhanaozen was just a minor put- down of labor strikers (and the narrative of some other creepy Registan authors bashing the Russian journalist who reported on more deaths than officially acknowledged, and bashing the workers' lawyer). I would say that the videos of the Abadan explosion were on par with these videos, but as good as they were, they didn't show how many people were affected in Turkmenistan (it was very hard to film the scene as police blocked roads and seized cameras). The Zhanaozen videos did; they had eyewitness reports.

    So Stein has reported all this accurately and come to exactly the right conclusion: videos of atrocities undermine the regime's narrative and help claim some space, although limited, for human rights groups and opposition to strengthen.

    But then Hamm diggs in to make these contorted points:

    o an unnecessary and pedantic claim that the Zhanaozen videos weren't the first from Central Asia, as there were some from Bakiyev's overthrow and the Osh pogroms. So? Stein is talking about Zhanaozen

    o a claim that these sorts of videos are exaggerated; "the significance of information going unfiltered into social media and out to a wide audience is overstated". How? Information *did* get out into social media and to a wider audience.  There were multiple Zhanaozen videos and they had a fairly big impact in getting the word out to the foreign media and raising some awareness at home, although limited given the Internet blockages and low penetration. Nothing is overstated; this is really important.

    Now Hamm objects:

    In his final paragraph, Stein points to the emergence of a struggle between state and society to control the narratives around controversial events. There is a story to be told about how these authoritarian states respond to erosion of their information dominance, but in many ways, it is singularly uninteresting. Almost every state tries to shape narratives, and in Central Asia, the state controls the story by keeping political groups, social and religious groups, and the media on a short leash.

    Well, yeah, we get it that groups are on a tight leash, and regimes shape narratives, but the amazing thing is that they nevertheless are increasingly getting videos out like this, even from Turkmenistan.

    There is a struggle between state and society most definitely! Why does Hamm need to minimize it and even deny it?! Is this part of his narrative that always seeks to support the establishment and the status quo, the Central Asian regimes and the US military that now must back them?

    But what is this really all about then, some sort of strange A Team and B Team? The military researcher Stein in Ft. Leavenworth, affirming that videos help challenge the regime's narrative — a fact — and the defense analyst Hamm in…wherever…discounting any significant challenge — a spin? Why?

    Then in a bit of echo-chambering, Hamm links to a pessimistic new article by that gloom-'n'-doom anthropological duo of Registan, Sarah Kendzior and Katy Pearce (more on this later):

    Central Asian governments have stepped up some restrictions and monitoring of social media. Security services are adept enough at disrupting off-line political activity planned online, and governments are finding ways to convince people to avoid the internet.

    So they're adept? So what? People fight back. They get knocked down; they get back up again. The parameters enlarge and shrink and enlarge again. Hamm admits that, saying it's a dynamic situation.

    But he wants to make sure that the "correct" Registani line is once again affirmed: authoritarian governments in Central Asian win; people who resist them lose; don't pretend this is the Arab Spring. Of course, nobody has claimed any Arab Spring is actually coming to Central Asia; most people who even compare these regions talk about an influence not an actuality, and talk about how "talking about a spring is a spring itself" of sorts.

    I have found expectations of a Central Asian spring in the near term or the assumption that the Arab Spring would have a measurable impact on Central Asia to be based on fundamental misunderstandings of the region. Political culture matters. A lot. Government plays a critical role in nurturing fear, distrust, and political apathy, but their success is aided enormously by their political opponents and the societies they govern perpetuating this culture themselves. And research on Uzbekistan and Azerbaijan suggests that at least in the near term, the internet has exacerbated these problems.

    Now I saw what you did there, Nathan. You disparaged the opposition, accusing them of mirroring and perpetuating the culture of the regime with its fear and distrust. Like David Trilling of EurasiaNet, disparaging uznews.net as merely using "the same black PR methods" that the regime in Tashkent uses, although in reality, this is a female secular journalist fighting for the space of media freedom and women's rights not to close, because of Islamists in Uzbekistan or in exile. Why aren't you guys on the right side of this struggle?

    The opposition isn't the hopelessly "perpetuated culture" of mistrust that Hamm implies anyway. Every day, there are extraordinary acts. Lawyers putting out reports of terrorist suspects tried after torture in pre-trial detention, behind closed doors. Human rights groups gathering reports of forced sterilization. People trying to keep the record and distribute news. People helping one another. And people getting on the Internet and sharing the news — despite everything.

    Then Hamm engages in some real double-talk:

    Stein is looking in the wrong place for meaning. The real significance of this documentation and presentation is in how and whether it changes society’s modes and norms for discussing sensitive political, social, and cultural topics and how those changes subsequently change political culture. The state’s reaction is just a continuation of a long-running dynamic.

    No, Stein got the meaning right because it was really dirt simple: the regime lies, the regime tries to control the narrative, the opposition and the independent media try to undermine the lies with the alternative story as they find it. It's not about whether more people go click on the link and get on Youtube and change their "modes and norms". Jesus, this is fake. Political culture? These brave people have more political culture than Hamm will ever know what to do with in his "long-running dynamic".

    He concludes by warning his fellow defense writer Stein to stay away from looking at the regime and the opposition as a narrative (why?!) and tells him to look more at the "discussions and practices within society".

    However, it is absolutely impossible at present to predict how or when the internet will play an appreciably important role. The only thing that is certain is that more clarity on these questions comes from focusing on discussions and practices within society than from monitoring the state-society dynamic.

    Why? Society will always have strong currents of reactionaries or conservatives who accept the regime's narrative avidly and aggressively and become part of the regime's tool to bash dissidents — this is par for the course in the post-Soviet Union. The regime can muster sock puppets and even botnets to fill up the Youtube comments with hate and cynicism — or even just let its own aggressive fan base go at it all on their own. So what? The alternative narrative also grows and people walk around the robots.

    Er, why can't we monitor the state-society dynamic, Nathan? Why are you warning us away from this?! Is that because it would be just too critical of regimes you're trying to be gingerly with and protect in your RealPolitic framework for the world? Why?

     

  • Networked Academism: Is Anyone Going to Challenge the Troubling Theses of Kendzior and Pearce?

    On Tuesday, March 27 in Washington, there will be a conference at Georgetown University featuring two academics I've criticized many times in these pages, anthropologists Sarah Kendzior and Katy Pearce. (Notably here and here, but see also here and here)

    Judging from a veritable flurry of smarmy Twittering, basically what these two very tight co-authors and girlfriends, associated with the notorious site Registan.net, have done is get their friends to hold a conference and invite their friends — that's why I call it "networked academism" — in a parody of their own paper's discussion of the dubious concept of "networked authoritarianism".

    Oh, it's always done, and we see it everywhere — academics in a certain school of thought or discipline or location develop networks of friends, and they all speak at each other's conferences and they all write blurbs for each other's books or cite each other. It's human nature, it's done everywhere, and we've all seen it in whatever field or endeavour we're in. As an old boss at Soros Foundations used to tell me, "I don't care if you pick your friends; just pick good friends!"

    In the case of this conference, I suspect Dr. Paula Newberg, Director, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, Georgetown, who is convening the meeting and speaking, just wanted to have a conference about a very hot and topical issue, and invited people she knew to speak and they suggested other people they knew, and that's how it goes.  Far from sponsoring a thesis that concedes authoritarianism and implies we shouldn't fight it, she no doubt imagines she is sponsoring a discussion about how people overcome authoritarianism on the Internet. At her institute, they teach diplomats things like how to write blogs or discuss topics like "What is hype and reality in e-diplomacy?" so it's all good.

    Another speaker, Dr. Séverine Arsène is the 2011-2012 Yahoo ! fellow in residence at Georgetown University; as Yahoo tells us, "Dr. Arsène’s project will explore how different notions of modernity across the globe are contextually based and how these varied representations shape the uses of social media, more specifically, as a tool for online protests."

    I'll leave aside the Derrida and Foucault and Chomsky and Zizek on that bookshelf and simply note that I suspect this fellowship, part of Yahoo's Business and Human Rights Program, grew out of its considerable guilt trip for sending Chinese dissidents to the gulag. I don't know if the combination of Big IT corporate machinations around business and Big IT corporate guilt make for the best impetus and environment for serious academic study, but that question is just too big for my pay grade — I suspect it's a question that if asked thoroughly, would take you to places that would undermine every single university in America. I'm not an academic.

    The title of the conference is, "Having Your Say Online:  The People's Voice in Authoritarian Contexts."   I imagine my bristling at the uses of "The People" especially in a context where we're supposed to be talking about authoritarianism will date me to the Cold War, but I don't care — there isn't any such thing as "the people," and even "civil society" and "the public" are institutions that can scarcely said to exist or are very fragile and fledgling in these societies anyway — and that needs to be said. "The People" — who are they, comrades? (Oh, and hey, I know at least one web site where the "People's Voice" is banned in the form of at least one people.)

    Let's see: The conference is filled with zams — Internews is sending a vice president; Katy Pearce is an adjunct professor of Communications, Culture and Technology at Georgetown University; Zeynep Tufekci is  Assistant Professor, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill;  Courtney Radsch is Program Manager, Global Freedom of Expression Campaign,  Freedom House, etc.

    So it isn't a big-name slate and it is probably is as good as it gets when you organize conferences with your friends (and Pearce has just arrived at Georgetown. No matter — these are all people with lots of "mindshare"  through Twitter followers and blogs and forums; and zams, after all, do the staff work and really influence things even unbeknownst to the top bosses.

    The viewpoints all range from about A to A and a half — the differences between Kendzior and Pearce, with their doom-and-gloom news about authoritarian Azerbaijan, and Jillian York of the Electronic Frontier Foundation, with her over-enthusiasm about the power of networks in the Arab Spring and the revolutionary change of her own country, or Zeynep Tufekci, a booster of WikiLeaks (and celebrator of Twitter's news censorship-by-country program) are really negligible because they are all on the same managed-democracy circuit. They fawn over each other on blogs and Twitters excusing each other repeatedly for not really knowing each others' fields and therefore only willing to learn, blah blah. But they don't really differ about their central thesis: that the objective of social media is to put — and keep — a New Class of intellectual elites in power (including themselves!) who will decide what is effective or not effective in "global governance".

    Our government, which has a much-discussed but not terribly well-funded (or speedily expended) Internet Freedom Program is supplying Katharine Kendrick, Foreign Affairs Officer, Internet Freedom, U.S. Department of State for the conference, and God help us, that may be as much grounded criticism of these extreme academics and activists as we'll be getting here.

    CRITIQUE OF KENDZIOR/PEARCE PAPER 'NETWORKED AUTHORITARIANISM'

    Kendzior and Pearce will discuss the theses of "Networked Authoritarianism and Social Media in Azerbaijan" in the latest issue of the Journal of Communication (I was finally able to get a copy). I've critiqued the summaries and discussions of it before as noted above, mainly here.

    I've only been able to make one quick read through and I caution again that I'm not a social science academic. But I certainly have a right to critique it as much as anyone concerned about Internet freedom and how US public policy will be shaped on the Internet, so I will raise these concerns:

    1. The paper is only 16 pages, of which 2 are taken up with footnotes and halves of others are taken up with charts — it's slight. So slight as to be hardly construed as holding the weight of this awesome claim — that reporting on abuses of authoritarian regimes using the boon of social media only retards the overall growth of social media (the hope for change) and therefore… we should stop that. Or something.

    2. The paper is based on public opinion surveys made in 2009-2010 *before* the Arab Spring, which had a dramatic impact on the world, and this region, because of the many analogies (I reject Kendzior's thesis that discussing the Arab Spring's impact is "reverse orientalism" here.)

    3. To be sure, the academics have studied social media content up to as late as 2011, but the surveys do not appear to be taken from that year. They also provide no indication of the social media they studied.

    4. Although they make reference to the donkey bloggers' case as a premise upon which to hinge their arguments, and are studying the impact of the donkey bloggers' repression on Internet users during this period, the authors do not appear to have asked their informants in the survey about the "donkey bloggers" per se (at least, they don't say they do and don't make this explicit if they did).

    Instead, in fact, they are using several questions that are part of a survey put on not directly by them, but by the Carnegie-funded Caucasus Research Resource Center as part of a larger survey that has been run annually since 2006. In it, they used a contrived "vignette" in which they mount two propositions and asked for five levels of agreement ranging from "disagree" to "neutral" to "very much agree."

    As they write in the paper:

    "Measuring support for protests was a significant challenge given Azerbaijanis' hesitance to criticize the government. Due to the sensitive nature of the topic as well as the political environment, this measure was presented as a vignette, a cameo description of a hypothetical situation ((King, Murray, Salomon, & Tandon, 2004; King & Wand, 2006) which allows for a specific interpretation of what the question is attempting to measure. Vignettes are less threatening because they are less personal (Hughes, 1998). The following three-step process was ultimately adopted as a result of pilot testing by the Caucasus Research Resource Center. First, respondents were given a privacy card in which they were asked to agree with one of two statements: (1) "People should participate in protest actions against the government, as this shows the government that the people are in charge" or (2) "People should not participate in protest actions against the government as it threatens stability in our country."

    Obviously, these are accepted methods in the field, judging from their references, but the wording of the questions simply have to be challenged at the root:  1) the premise that "the people" can show the government that "they are in charge" is simply not one present in these societies. The people aren't in charge and haven't been in charge in centuries. They don't mount demonstrations with the presumption that they should be, or will be and 2) people can in fact perceive the authoritarian government as destablizing their own local situation with unfair actions such as shutting off electricity or forcing people to pick cotton, and may view protest as a means to restore stability.

    More often than not, demonstrations in these countries are mounted on single issues like jobs or housing; in the recent case in Guba, it was about the governor's insult to people who opted to sell cheap land given to them by the government. The demonstrations are mounted on notions of justice — often people expect that "the good tsar" who only has "bad advisors" will hear and see the victims' plight if only they can get past those "bad advisors" or "corrupt officials" and make a direct appeal. Justice has to do with making the system work as promised — heavy punishment for miscreants, ridicule and banishment for corrupt officials — not overturning the government or instituting alien concepts like separation of powers where some mythical "people" or civic entity will now take over and mount all kinds of supervisory organs over the all-powerful executive.

    Thus, hearing any question put that way, many people would respond to the part of it that just doesn't tally with their experience or understanding and reject it — the people aren't ever in charge and won't be. Stability is always advisable and that sounds like the right action. That could add significantly to the skewing of the outcome to a negative. And of course there's the tendency of Soviet audiences, well known from the University of Iowa studies done in the past, to pre-anticipate what the survey-taker wants and give it to him to be good subjects. The survey should factor that in with some kind of coefficient — that doesn't seem to have been here and the problem is mentioned only in passing as a difficulty of the environment.

    5. The concept of "networked authoritarianism" isn't an academic or scholarly concept, it's a journalistic slogan coined by a former CNN bureau chief in Hong Kong, Rebecca McKinnon, who has published a book about Internet freedom issues recently, but not a scholarly book.

    (Oh, if it turns out "networked authoritarianism" really is a scholarly term accepted in the field, then shoot me as the networked authoritarian that you are, but I haven't heard this.)

    My problem with McKinnon's use of this term — and I've heard her speak on this and seen her numerous blog posts and articles on it — is that it simply isn't true. Her premise is that the Soviet-type states are more sophisticated now, and use the Internet themselves now, and don't use crude methods of prior censorship or outright blockage — instead they compete with a different narrative, or occasionally make object lessons of people in support of their authoritarianism.

    Except, that's not how it is. In fact, these states don't even register certain newspapers, NGOs, parties, etc. which means at a very basic and crude level in the society there is outright censorship of the old-fashioned analog kind. In fact, they do block websites and jam mobile phones during demonstrations and engage in surreptious DDOS attacks on sites and all the rest of it in a very physical and very direct form of censorship. In fact the government is not open and the state media tightly controlled, in the most basic forms of censorship there have always been.

    That they allow the Internet, the way they allow, oh, flush toilets and telephones and electricity, doesn't mean anything. It's just another layer. We never had a theory for "electricity authoritarianism" when Lenin declared that "Communism is Soviet power plus electrification of the whole country".  We never had "fax" or "email" authoritarianism. Why is social media special? Because it makes collectivism easier? But it was always easy.

    Sure, these governments have sophisticated sock puppets and regime tools and an oprichina-like elite around themselves whose privileges depend on their cynical support of the regime and obnoxious harassment of dissidents. So what? They don't have to be networked to censor; or rather, they were always networked, as that's what collectivism, Soviet-style, is all about — rigid networks suppressing individuals.

    6. This brings me to my main complaint about the Kendzior/Pearce thesis — that it is too harsh a predicter — in its rigid descriptivism — of the poor potential for, and inevitable failure of online dissent and democratization in these countries. Sure, the regime makes an object lesson of the donkey bloggers and the discussion of their persecution in fact leads people to reduce their usage (if in fact the survey really delivers that news — I'm not so sure it does). But so what?

    What Kendzior/Pearce don't have them is a theory — or the rest of a theory — to explain how the activism at home and abroad grew for the donkey bloggers, and the regime was eventually forced to release them. That reality — that these imprisoned people were released! — is something that just doesn't fit in their model so they don't analyze it. Instead, they prefer to describe how the internal and international protests failed throughout 2010, although finally the bloggers were released in 2011.

    7. Imagine my surprise at discovering in this paper that Facebakers is referenced! Facebakers, renamed Socialbakers in December 2010, is a commercial agency that cooperates with Facebook and supplies information about how many people have joined Facebook and use it in a given country.

    I wrote a simply blog post for EurasiaNet about the Socialbakers' numbers for Uzbekistan, and I was repeatedly savaged on Twitter by both Kendzior and Pearce for my supposed poor analytics (!).

    In fact, this was part of a drum-beat of harassment that they and Joshua Foust and Nathan Hamm cooked up to try to silence my criticism of their theses on Registan after I was banned.

    Pearce wrote that she couldn't accept my simple reporting of simple numbers until she could "see the methodology" and snarked that it was a commercial firm. Huh?! But she quoted it in her own paper here! The hypocrisy!

    QUESTIONS TO ASK ON THE THEORY OF NETWORKED AUTHORITARIANISM

    There's lots more to say about the paper and the troubling aspects of the theses, but let me cut to the kind of questions that I think need to be asked at this conference:

    1. If the documenting and reporting of human rights violations in a country leads to less Internet usage because of fear of reprisals, are Kendzior and Pearce counseling people not to document human rights abuses and publish them online? Do they recommend that the State Department Internet Freedom Program not supply training or grants to those who maintain human rights web sites?

    2. If documenting human rights abuse leads to a plunge in usage, or a plunge in political discussion, are Kendzior and Pearce recommending that democracy program directors and other foreign policy personnel steer their patrons toward more innocuous activity and safer content so that they can secure the increase of Internet penetration first and benign social networking activity first, and move to more critical stuff later?

    Test case: all eyes will be on Azerbaijan with the coming EuroVision song contest. Should Internet users and bloggers use this as a chance to talk about the problems of human rights and social justice in their authoritarian, oil-rich state? Or should they stick to happy musical tweeting? (Guess what: no one will be able to stop them gabbing on social media and we'll hear a lot of hate of Armenians mixed with other interesting stuff.)

    (This sort of cautious incrementalism of "what the traffic can bear," BTW, was the Internews recipe for TV broadcasting in 1990s and early 2000s, and frankly, it failed miserably as countries still shut down their clients in places like Azerbaijan anyway, even with their cautious programming, as the Internet VP might be prepared to admit.)

    3. Whatever "chilling affect" the oppression of people like the donkey bloggers and other journalists killed or jailed in the last year may have had, in fact, the people of Guba show that both the Arab Spring model as well as the use of Youtube to get out their message worked dramatically to remove a disliked official and get people jailed for protest to be released. How does the "networked authoritarianism" model adapt to these kinds of phenomena, or in fact do they disprove the theory? In fact, after Guba, can we really talk about the concept of "networked authoritarianism" as really working so effectively?

    4. Is there another model for Internet usage and societal change that might account for the actual fluctuations and moments of progress and regress? Can there be a pluralistic approach — some people will try the hard stuff and get jailed; others will try the soft stuff and maybe live to cautiously discuss politics on a social forum; eventually those jailed may be released and those who were cautious may be radicalized for other reasons, or even out of a sense of solidarity?

    5. Kendzior and Pearce challenge two statements by American leaders that sum up the hopes for the Internet in foreign policy, "Reagan's proclamation that the "Goliath of totalitarianism will be brought down by the David of the microship" and "Secretary of State Clinton's bet than an open Internet will elad to stronger, more prosperous countries". But what's really wrong with these inspiring statements? They're true, broadly speaking. Faxes, Xerox machines, and CNN all had a lot to do with bringing the Soviet Union down after the failed coup, and arguably samizdat, that helped galvanize and link earlier movements of dissent, helped lay the groundwork for the following electronic age.

    6. If we're to be cyber-skeptics about the efficacy of social media for changing regimes, and don't credit machinery with automatic effects on societies, why aren't we as skeptical of about the effectiveness of social media in the hands of those regimes? If it's powerless, it's powerless because not only machines effect or change human behaviour.

    And a question to Tufecki:

    7. You've applauded Twitter's decision to censor tweets at the request of even authoritarian governments, and even declared it a helpful decision for activists, on the theory that this will provide "transparency" about the bad actions of authoritarianism and help gain support for democracy causes. You cited the need to "follow the law".

    But can you concede that "the law" in countries like Russia and China, as the Russian saying goes, is a bridle that can be turned hither and thither — that these laws are not *just* laws that liberal democratic societies would declare as right. Why concede such lawlessness and legal nihilism?

    As for the deterrent effect of the "transparency," several things could go wrong with that notion — the system could be flooded and become so much noise that it can't be coherently analyzed; and authoritarians may not wait to request censorship by tweet, but will introduce their own software or regimes to either completely cut off Twitter, or block the view of certain accounts without even interacting with Twitter's central management. We are told this already happens with Facebook, where in countries like Uzbekistan, separate pages are said to be blocked (we've even heard of separate words or entries by certain people being blocked on Medvedev's Facebook page in Russia). It would be interesting to get a technical readout on whether/how that is happening. In other words, it's quite possible that before any magnificent "censor-by-tweet" and "censor-by-country" regime comes into effect, these networked authoritarians will pre-empt with their own filtration technology.

    I realize that the questions I've outlined here are not likely to be asked, and the topics aren't even included in the agenda.

    In fact, the sessions are about "identity" and "inequalities" — two standard-issue "critical Marxist" sort of academic topics which regrettably provide endless opportunity for waxing at length about "identity as a construct" and "the inherent violence of the patriarchal society" and all the rest.

    No doubt there will be a discussion of the "nym wars" if Jillian York is present, a topic where I've disagreed with her strenuously because the same anonymity that she wants to award as a special dispensation to her revolutionary friends in the Middle East can be/is used to harass and heckle and bully people on line with differing views from behind secret identities, and used of course by Anonymous to hack and avoid accountability. I don't believe all platforms should be forced to add the nym feature; it should be a voluntary policy and feature that they supply if they wish to take the customer service headaches that go with it.

    As I've noted before, the nym wars, driven by hordes of revolutionaries, "progressives, " Anonymous e-thugs, hackers, etc. should be a separate topic from this: asking American companies not to turn over the private data of customers in any form to abusive authoritarian foreign governments or to our own government without a lawful court order.

    Courtney is going to talk about "gender". See this discussion and this discussion for a gander on how badly women can be treated in York's company.

     Finally, on a personal but definitely relevant political note, I'll say that any decent academic concerned about free speech and free intellectual inquiry both in academic and the wider culture of social media discussion must be actively alarmed at the manner in which Kendzior and Pearce (particularly Kendzior) tried to silence my critique of their academic work by making the most outrageous claims and spears. These two not only kept lobbing up @ tweets addressed to the front page of EurasiaNet where I previously worked, they went to the editor to complain about me and urge my removal. Incredibly, their machinations had an effect and an effort was made to put a total Twitter/social media gag on me to forbid me to discuss the region at all or debate anyone at all.

    Naturally, I rejected that effort and when my contract expired, I indicated that I found the notion of a Twitter gag unacceptable for freelancers, especially in the absence of any contractual specification or any written policy.

    I stand by everything I've written on Twitter — there is nothing obscene or extreme there, no action that would constitute "bullying" or "stalking" — the fake notions purveyed by these two net nannies — that would warrant calling the police — which is what Kendzior threatened to do to me (!) over my blog.

    Networked authoritarianism! Coming soon to an academia near you.